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sublime idea of a central board of international legislation and judicature, is to republicanize the world.

Let the principle of self-government be acknowledged as the only rightful form of government in every nation, and the chief source of all international discord is dried up. What rational, nay, what selfish interest is there to be gratified by war and conquest, if it be understood that the conquered province is to govern itself, and to tax itself for the sole purpose of supporting its own government! In as much as the fundamental law of a state is truly republican, all its means and energies are directed not to its aggrandizement as a state, but to the protection of the rights of the individuals who conipose it. If this were the condition of every state, it is evident that the civil institutions which are sufficient to secure the rights of the native would protect also those of the foreigner in his intercourse with the native. For although it is not to be presumed that men, being liable to err, and to be tempted by selfish motives, will ever cease to quarrel about their rights; yet if these rights, as acknowledged by law, are essentially the same all over the world, and if the power of each state have no other object than to secure them, what could induce the majority of any nation, in the enjoyment of the inestimable blessings of a free intercourse with all mankind, to go to war with another nation? Surely it is a true saying, expressive both of the main cause of war and the mode of removing it, that war is a game which, if nations were wise, kings would not play at.'

As soon, then, as the nations of the earth, or the greater portion of them, shall be sufficiently civilized and humanized, to recognize the protection of the individual rights of men as the only legitimate object of government, it will be safe and right for them to abolish war, and all preparations for war. It is thus, and thus alone, that the great prophecy can be fulfilled, that nation shall not lift np sword against nation, neither shall they learn war any more.'

Rulers who do not derive their power from, and do not hold themselves responsible to, the people, cannot disband their armies ; and as long as there are such rulers, powerful enough to disturb the peace of nations which are governed by principles opposed and dangerous to their political existence, it would be a suicidal mea. sure in a free nation to lay down its weapons, trusting to the justice of armed der pots. No true and intelligent friend of Peace, no one who is able to distinguish between the peace founded on freedom, and the peace of universal despotism, can advise a free nation to wrest the sword from the hand of the Cherubim guarding the entrance to the Eden of Liberty.

We have endeavoured to investigate the subject of Peace and War, and the attempts of the Peace Societies in our country, impartiall; and thoroughly. We have found that war, and the use of

force, are justifiable so far as they are necessary for the security of the rights of all. We have shown that, within these bounds, war, and the use of force are not contrary, but conformable to the spirit, the precepts, and the example, of the great Founder of our religion ; but that Christianity aims at abolishing war by removing its causes. As we feel sure that these views are entertained by a very large number of true friends of Peace, we would suggest to the Peace Societies an alteration in their present constitution, with a view to secure the coöperation of those who now feel themselves excluded by the manner in which their object is stated. Instead of asserting that “all war is contrary to the spirit of the gospel"—we should prefer a simple declaration of their purpose to carry into effect the object of Christianity, to establish 'peace on earth and good will towards men', by inducing all men to respect the rights of all; and especially by urging upon nations the duty of settling any differences arising between them, by arbitration, or other peaceful means of obtaining justice.

We feel a deep interest in this Peace movement. It is one of the symptoms of the working of that divine principle of human LIBERTY which, in harmony and cooperation with the divine philosophy of the religion of Perfect Love and Truth, is yet, as we fervently trust, notwithstanding the fearful accumulation of evil and suffering with which the earth has groaned for so many thousands of years, destined to elevate and ameliorate the condition of humanity to a point far in advance of its present condition. It is one of its fruits, fast beginning already to swell and move in the embryo. We are anxious to rescue it out of the hands of the fanaticism of its most active and zealous friends—the worst enemy of a good cause. We are anxious that a sound and universal public opinion should form itself on this subject in this country; both with reference to the enormous mass of population which is destined in a comparatively brief period to overspread this continent, and to the moral influence, strengthening and spreading every year, which our example will exert upon the rest of the civilized world. The agitation of this question, and of the great principles, and deep moral elements of human nature, which it involves, will have a material influence on the progress of the cause of Liberty among the nations of Europe. Every year

peace crumbles

away more or less the foundations of their thrones ; and every clink of the hammer of industry, which it leaves free to play, strengthens the cause of the Many against that of the Few; and a few years of the discussion of this and similar topics, throughout the broad masses of the people, are alone required, to undermine the basis of their entire systems of force and fraud, of bayonet-circled palace, castle, and dungeon of state ; and to prepare the nations for their reconstruction on the broad and imperishable foundations of liberty and quality.


List to those softest notes,

On the air flying;
Gently as sighs, it floats-
... 'Tis for the dying:
List! for 'tis music sweet,

Angels might borrow,
Borne on the breezes ficet-

Last dirge of sorrow.

“ Fare thee well, sister dear

Kind angels guard thee; Earth, friends, nor lover near,

From home retard thee ! See, see! bright Peris come,

Allah's word bringing ; Haste thee, then ! haste thee home!

Swift thy way winging.

6 Gone is our sister now,

Heavenward tending!
Mark, with her fair cheeks' glow

Paleness is blending :
Death now hath claimed his spoil,

Fling the pall over her ;
Bring we earth's lightest soil,

Gently to cover her.

“Bind we long braids of pearl,

Round her brow shining, With those fair ringlets' curl

Gracefully twining; Wreathe round those folded hands,

On her breast lying, Brightest of flowret bands,

Sweet odors sighing!

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I blame thee not! Nor thou deny,

All guilty though I be, Within thy heart to suffer yet

One gentle thought of me; That thought shall rise when envious tongues

Shall mock me to thine ear,
And pay me for a world of hate,

By silence-and a tear.
I blame thee not! The blighted years,

The ling'ring days of pain-
Once more ,oh, let me see thy face,

And live them o'er again!
Or if the danger and the death

Still gleam within thy eye,
Oh better 'neath its flash to fall,

Tlan wasting thus to die !


No subject possesses a higher practical importance to every individual of whatever pursuit or condition, than the public measure of value. The security of those who have property, and the liveli. hood of those who have none, mainly depend upon its stability. Though the people may enjoy theoretic power of self-government, yet by surrendering the control of the actual measure of value to irresponsible individuals, associations, or corporations, they in fact enslave themselves. For whoever possesses the power of taking the property or means of subsistence of any portion of the commur without their consent, become in fact their absolute masters.

The leading article of the London Quarterly Review for January of the present year-the great organ of the Conservative party which is now struggling for the political control of the British Empire-emphatically asserts that the experiment of self-government by the people, has totally failed in this country. When we find ourselves taunted before the world by the satellites of the corrupt aristocracy of England with the perversion of the principles of our form of government, it becomes the duty of every American citizen who is worthy of the name, to ask himself, whether any ground in fact exists for this reproach, which is intended to bring odium upon the great cause of liberty.

At the outset of our government, a deep laid plan was devised for counteracting the principles of the Constitution of the United States, by the false and fraudulent policy by which the people, the industrious producers, of so many nations have been impoverished, and practically enslaved, for the purpose of gratifying the luxury, and of promoting the personal aggrandizement of the few, through the control over the property and subsistence of the people which the paper system gives to its managers. Our first President felt him. self most reluctantly obliged to sanction the charter of the first Bank of the United States. But the secret devices of the enemies of equal rights were exposed to the view of our citizens with surpassing ability by Jefferson, Madison, and John Taylor, of Caroline-that trio of great men, whose abilities and public services were of such inestimable value to the cause of Democracy, and of. whom Virginia has so' much reason to be proud. These apostles of rational liberty exposed the flimsy pretexts under which th

* Report of the Committee of Finance upon the answer of the Secretary of the Treasury to a resolution of the Senate of the 4th of January, 1839, requiring him to communicate any authentic information he may have recently received in respect to the modes of collecting, keeping, and disbursing public moneys in foreign cou n:ries. Senale Document, No. 113, third session, 25th Congress.

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