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maintained by their constituents—that is, the maxims of the Holy Alliance, which was formed expressly for the purpose of establishing peace and the principles of Christianity in Europe. These considerations derive additional strength from the state of public opinion in Europe, in consequence of which any war that should arise, from whatever cause, according to Canning's prediction, is likely to become a war of principle-turning upon the very principle which forms the essential difference between this and the other governments of the world.

It is said, that this central legislature and tribunal are not to have any other than an advisory power, so that the efficacy of their regulations and decisions must rely entirely on their wisdom and equity. But as long as the greatest portion of their constituents hold a power not derived from the people, and therefore dependent on a large standing army, it may be easily foreseen, that if the party in whose favor the High Court decides, have the requisite power, it will be employed for the execution of the sentence. Hence the circumstance that the court possesses no armed force, does not remove the objections to such a central institution, consisting of delegates of so many absolute monarchs, together with those of one or two republics,-added, as it were, by way of exception, to strengthen the general rule.

These objections do not apply to the settlement of differences by arbitration, as it is easy in each instance to find some third power which, with regard to the case in question, may be considered as disposed to decide with a degree of impartiality which can not be expected beforehand in all cases to belong to a central court emanating from such heterogeneous elements. At the same time it is unquestionably desirable that certain doubtful points of international law, with regard to which the opinions of some of the most celebrated writers on this subject disagree, and the decision of which is in no way affected by the essential difference in the political constitutions of different countries, might be settled by special treaties between those most interested in these questions.

A Congress and High Court of Nations must be considered as a truly cosmopolitan and philanthropic institution, if it be founded on a republican constituency. It is fitted to promote the highest interests of humanity, if its members are the responsible delegates and representatives of free communities, which consider all laws, both national and international, as binding upon themselves, only in as much as they are intended to make known and secure to every human being the greatest possible liberty consistent with equality; and recognize no power, whether legislative, or judicial, or executive, as rightfully constituted, but in as much as it is derived from and responsible to the people. The true way then to realize this

sublime idea of a central board of international legislation and judicature, is to republicanize the world.

Let the principle of self-government be acknowledged as the only rightful form of government in every nation, and the chief source of all international discord is dried up. What rational, nay, what selfish interest is there to be gratified by war and conquest, if it be understood that the conquered province is to govern itself, and to tax itself for the sole purpose of supporting its own government? In as much as the fundamental law of a state is truly republican, all its means and energies are directed not to its aggrandizement as a state, but to the protection of the rights of the individuals who compose it. If this were the condition of every state, it is evident that the civil institutions which are sufficient to secure the rights of the native would protect also those of the foreigner in his intercourse with the native. For although it is not to be presumed that men, being liable to err, and to be tempted by selfish motives, will ever cease to quarrel about their rights; yet if these rights, as acknowledged by law, are essentially the same all over the world, and if the power of each state have no other object than to secure them, what could induce the majority of any nation, in the enjoyment of the inestimable blessings of a free intercourse with all mankind, to go to war with another nation? Surely it is a true saying, expressive both of the main cause of war and the mode of removing it, that war is a game which, if nations were wise, kings would not play at.'

As soon, then, as the nations of the earth, or the greater portion of them, shall be sufficiently civilized and humanized, to recognize the protection of the individual rights of men as the only legitimate object of government, it will be safe and right for them to abolish war, and all preparations for war. It is thus, and thus alone, that the great prophecy can be fulfilled, that nation shall not lift np sword against nation, neither shall they learn war any more.'

Rulers who do not derive their power from, and do not hold themselves responsible to, the people, cannot disband their armies; and as long as there are such rulers, powerful enough to disturb the peace of nations which are governed by principles opposed and dangerous to their political existence, it would be a suicidal measure in a free nation to lay down its weapons, trusting to the justice of armed despots. No true and intelligent friend of Peace, no one who is able to distinguish between the peace founded on freedom, and the peace of universal despotism, can advise a free nation to wrest the sword from the hand of the Cherubim guarding the entrance to the Eden of Liberty.

We have endeavoured to investigate the subject of Peace and War, and the attempts of the Peace Societies in our country, impartially and thoroughly. We have found that war, and the use of

force, are justifiable so far as they are necessary for the security of the rights of all. We have shown that, within these bounds, war, and the use of force are not contrary, but conformable to the spirit, the precepts, and the example, of the great Founder of our religion; but that Christianity aims at abolishing war by removing its causes. As we feel sure that these views are entertained by a very large number of true friends of Peace, we would suggest to the Peace Societies an alteration in their present constitution, with a view to secure the cooperation of those who now feel themselves excluded by the manner in which their object is stated. Instead of asserting that "all war is contrary to the spirit of the gospel"—we should prefer a simple declaration of their purpose to carry into effect the object of Christianity, to establish ‘peace on earth and good will towards men', by inducing all men to respect the rights of all; and especially by urging upon nations the duty of settling any differences arising between them, by arbitration, or other peaceful means of obtaining justice.

We feel a deep interest in this Peace movement. It is one of the symptoms of the working of that divine principle of human LIBERTY which, in harmony and coöperation with the divine philosophy of the religion of Perfect Love and Truth, is yet, as we fervently trust, notwithstanding the fearful accumulation of evil and suffering with which the earth has groaned for so many thousands of years, destined to elevate and ameliorate the condition of humanity to a point far in advance of its present condition. It is one of its fruits, fast beginning already to swell and move in the embryo. We are anxious to rescue it out of the hands of the fanaticism of its most active and zealous friends-the worst enemy of a good cause. We are anxious that a sound and universal public opinion should form itself on this subject in this country; both with reference to the enormous mass of population which is destined in a comparatively brief period to overspread this continent, and to the moral influence, strengthening and spreading every year, which our example will exert upon the rest of the civilized world. The agitation of this question, and of the great principles, and deep moral elements of human nature, which it involves, will have a material influence on the progress of the cause of Liberty among the nations of Europe. Every year of peace crumbles away more or less the foundations of their thrones; and every clink of the hammer of industry, which it leaves free to play, strengthens the cause of the Many against that of the Few; and a few years of the discussion of this and similar topics, throughout the broad masses of the people, are alone required, to undermine the basis of their entire systems of force and fraud, of bayonet-circled palace, castle, and dungeon of state; and to prepare the nations for their reconstruction on the broad and imperishable foundations of liberty and quality.

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"Short be the words we say,
O'er her grave bending;
Gentle the fun'ral lay

Upwards ascending!

Spring flowers breathe around,
Guards of her silent grot,

And music of waters' sound

Sing ever o'er the spot!"

S. S.


I blame thee not! thou could'st not know
The danger and the death.

That smiled within thy dewy eye,

And hung upon thy breath; How every accent of thy voice,

That thrilled upon mine ear,
And fell like music on my heart,
Was turned to poison there.

I blame thee not! Nor thou deny,
All guilty though I be,

Within thy heart to suffer yet

One gentle thought of me;

That thought shall rise when envious tongues

Shall mock me to thine ear,

And pay me for a world of hate,

By silence and a tear.

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