the means of subsistence, and without an occupation, on which he could rely for support. Thus situated, he joined the Ohio company of associates, most of whom were Revolutionary characters, of New England. He was, of course, one of the first band of pioneers to the Far West, who planted themselves on the Muskingum river, while the Territory was a dreary wilderness, without constitution, government, or law.

General James Findlay was a native of Pennsylvania, and one of the early pioneers to the West. He settled at Cincinnati, while the Indian war was raging with violence; and had his full share of exposure to its dangers. After Congress had adopted a system for the sale of the public lands, and established a Land office at Cincinnati, he was appointed Receiver of Public Money, and was continued in that station many years, and until he resigned it. He joined the army of General Hull, as a volunteer, and marched to Detroit in command of one of the regiments which composed that army. When the extraordinary surrender by General Hull took place, he returned to his family and his business. In 1825, he was elected to Congress, and was continued in that station by re-elections, till 1833. For many years, he was Major General of the first Division of Ohio Militia. He held a variety of offices under both the State and general governments, in which he had the confidence of the community in a high degree.

Mr. Burnet, as has been stated elsewhere, is a native of New-Jersey, a graduate of Princeton College, and a lawyer by profession. During the long period of his professional labors at the bar, both in the Territory and State, he was placed by common consent among the most respectable of his professional brethren. He was brought up in the school of politicians, who had been active agents in commencing and sustaining the Revolution. He was taught to confide in the wisdom, and purity of Washington, and his confidential associates, who stood at the head of the Federal party

formed the new constitution, and were the principal agents in convincing the people that it was their duty and their interest to adopt it. They settled the principles and arranged the plan on which it should be administered; and under their guidance it went into successful operation, notwithstanding the violent opposition of the party which distinguished itself by the characteristic name of Anti-Federalist. In a short time, the new government, in the hands of its friends, recovered the country from the universal distress and embarrassment which the war of the Revolution had produced; and was scattering blessings on all classes of the people; when the Anti-Federal party, who, under that name, had resisted its adoption, assumed the more fascinating appellation of Republican, and transferred their opposition from the Constitution itself, to the administration of it. They commenced a systematic attack on the policy adopted by President Washington; they condemned his leading measures, and formed a combination to bring him into disrepute, and themselves into office; and, after a conflict of twelve years, they succeeded in their project. In the judgment of Mr. B. they were influenced by motives of ambition, and were more anxious to gain power, than to reform abuses. He had more confidence in the men who formed the Constitution than in their opponents, who had uniformly resisted its adoption, and opposed its measures.

Soon after that party cast off the name of Anti-Federalist, its origin, and their original purpose, were forgotten. The people were told that the Federalists were aristocrats, laboring to change the constitution, by giving it the substance, as well as the form, of the British government. These charges were made so repeatedly-with such bold confidence, and came from such high places, that the nation, at length, were led to believe them. The framers and fathers of the Constitution were set down as its worst enemies, and its original opponents as its best friends.

The party which had been called Federalists, because they made and supported the new federal government, were represented as its original enemies; and, at the same time, its most deadly opponents claimed to be its fathers and guardians.

These false statements, having obtained credence, after years of repetition, the name of the party, of which Washington was the head, became a term of reproach-indicating the very reverse of its true and genuine meaning. Mr. B., however, knew that it implied, neither more nor less, than devotion to the new federal government. For that reason, although the party had long ceased to exist, the great majority of them being in their graves; Mr. B. retained the name, and still cherishes it, as the distinguishing appellation, of the purest patriots and statesmen, the country has ever contained.

When the party slang of the day, which has been kept alive, for sinister purposes, to the present hour, shall have done its work, and be forgotten, the historian, without risk to his popularity, will do justice to that abused, persecuted, misunderstood party. He will record their political course, impartially, and will verify the fact, that they were the fathers of the Revolution-the instigators of the Declaration of Independence-and the framers of our present happy form of government; and that, by their efforts and influence, the country was raised from poverty to affluence, and from the contempt of Europe, to the confidence and admiration of the world. He will cause it to be known, and acknowledged, that before they were driven from power, they had saved the nation-established her characterrenovated her energy, and laid the foundation of all her subsequent prosperity.

A consciousness of these truths prompted Mr. Jefferson to declare, in his inaugural address, at the moment he took the reins of government from the hands of the Federalists: "We are all Republicans, we are all Federalists."

CHAPTER XV.

Legislature assemble at Cincinnati.--Their proceedings.-Harrison elected Delegate to Congress. His instructions.—His course in Congress approved. -Territory divided.-Harrison appointed Governor.--The Ordinance of 1787.-Its provisions.-Liberty, civil and religious, secured.-Territorial code defective.-Remedied by the Legislature.-French inhabitants.—Their common fields.-Burning of Prairies.-Injury resulting.-Regulated.-Jurisdiction on the Ohio River.-Claims of Kentucky.-Inconveniences.Act of the Legislature touching it.—Compact between Virginia and Kentucky.-Legislation of the Governor and Judges.-Of the General Assembly.-Education encouraged.-Protection of the Indians.-Vetoes of the Governor. Property qualification.-Limited slavery.-Attempt to introduce it.-Auditor's Certificates.-Address of the General Assembly, complimentary to President Adams.

On the 16th September, 1799, both branches of the Legislature assembled at Cincinnati, elected their officers, and informed the Governor that they were ready to proceed to business. The Governor met them the next day, in the chamber of the Representatives, and in a very elegant address, congratulated them and their constituents on the interesting change that had taken place in the form of their government; a change, by which the power of making their laws had been taken from the hands of men in whose appointment they had no agency, and over whom they had no control, and committed to others of their own choice. He laid before them a full and faithful view of the condition and the wants of the Territory; and recommended to their attention such measures as he believed were proper to advance the prosperity and happiness of the people.

As this was the first session of the Legislature, it was

necessarily a laborious one. The transition from a colonial to a semi-independent government, called for a general revision and enlargement of the statute book. Some of the adopted laws were repealed-many of them were altered and amended, and a long list of new acts were added to the code. The change made it necessary to create new offices, and prescribe the duties of those who were to fill them. The increased expenditure, caused by the change which then took place, made it necessary to devise a plan of ways and means to meet it. As the number of members in each branch was small, and a portion of them either unprepared, or indisposed to partake largely in the labor of legislation, the principal pressure of it, rested on the shoulders of a few.

One of the important duties of the session was the election of a delegate to represent the Territory in Congress. As soon as the Governor's proclamation made its appearance, the selection of a person to fill that place excited general attention. Several names were mentioned, and among them the name of Mr. B., whose friends pressed him to become a candidate; and ventured to give him strong assurances of success, if he would consent to serve; but, being, at the time, in an extensive practice, and not wealthy, he could not afford to quit his profession, or abstract from it as much time and attention, as the duties of the station would require. In addition to this, it appeared to him, that he could be more useful to the people of the Territory in their own Legislature, than in Congress. For these reasons, he refused to be a candidate; and before the meeting of the Legislature, public opinion had settled down on William Henry Harrison and Arthur St. Clair, Jr., who were the only candidates for the office.

On the 3d of October, the two Houses met in the Representative chamber, according to a joint resolution, previously adopted, and proceeded to the election. The ballots were taken and counted, when it appeared that William