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DUBLIN, Ireland, May 8, 1866.

KIND SIR: I wish to address you in behalf of my husband, J. H. Gleeson, late colonel of the sixty-third New York volunteers, who fought all through the late war; and at its close he came to this country, bringing me with him, to see his father and mother, intending to return to America in the spring. He has been seized by the British government under the suspension of the habeas corpus act, and thrown into prison, without any charge in the world against him, only that he was an American officer travelling in Ireland. I hope your honor will see to his case, and demand his release, immediately, for there is no justice or mercy on this side of the Atlantic.

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SIR: I have to acknowledge the reception of despatches from the department numbered from 1758 to 1762, inclusive.

The past week has been marked by a resumption of the discussion in the Commous of the reform of representation. A single division taken upon a motion of secondary importance has served only to show the very insecure footing of the ministry in the progress of this measure. The adverse majority of ten votes, partly composed of a number of their own friends other than those who deserted them on the test vote of the second reading, is only significant as foreshadowing the difficulties about to spring up from a skilful resort to the tactics of parliamentary warfare in embarrassing the bill. Underlying the whole is the disinclination to any change, which at heart pervades a considerable section of the majority. The prospect of a successful issue is, therefore, growing more and more clouded. A hostile amendment presented by one who voted with the ministry on the first trial, and supported by the whole strength of the opposition, is now pending, which, if carried, will probably decide the fate of the government. But even if it should fail, it will only be the precursor of other strokes, some one of which, more adroitly applied than the rest, may lead to the same result. I cannot help thinking that the first decision of the government to keep the two parts of its policy separate, and to act upon the franchise before acting upon the change of seats, was the wise one. The concession which it made in order to secure its first nominal success by agreeing to a union of the two measures, has only served to multiply the chances of ultimate failure.

It is generally understood that, in expectation of a change, negotiations have been actively in progress between the disaffected liberals and the conservatives, to effect a combination sufficiently strong to undertake the direction of the government. Whilst I cannot yet perceive any ground for believing that such a change could be made durable, with this Parliament constituted as it is, it does not seem unlikely to lead to a later appeal to the country, which may give to its politics a more serious aspect than they have worn for some years.

These speculations are, however, subject to modification in proportion as the threatening state of affairs on the continent may tend to distract the public attention from domestic concerns. In any event, it would seem as if the future now boded serious danger in the political condition of the whole of the European powers.

I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant,
CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS.

Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD,

Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.

No. 1208.]

Mr. Adams to Mr. Seward.

LEGATION OF the United STATES,
London, June 1, 1866.

SIR: I sought an interview with Lord Clarendon a few days since, which was granted to me on Tuesday last, the 29th ultimo.

I first opened the subject of the application of the minister of the Dominican portion of the island of Hayti, to obtain the assistance of the two governments of the United States and Great Britain to effect a re-establishment of amicable relations with the Haytien part of it. To this end I recapitulated to his lordship the facts as stated in your despatch No. 1752, of the 1st of May.

In reply he said that this movement was new to him. He had only received a suggestion from the British consul in the island that something, perhaps, might be done towards effecting a reconciliation, to which he had replied in merely general terms. But as this proposal, to which I now called his attention, seemed to assume a definite official character, all he could say to it just then was, that the government stood always disposed to do what it could to promote objects which had in view the restoration of friendly relations between nations, but he would make a note of the facts which I had given him from your despatch, and would be in a situation to speak more fully on the subject at a future moment.

I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant,

Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD,

CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS.

Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.

No. 1209.]

Mr. Adams to Mr. Seward.

LEGATION OF the United States,

London, June 1, 1866.

SIR: In connection with your despatch No. 1743, of the 23d of April, I have the honor to report that in my conversation with Lord Clarendon on Tuesday last I brought to his notice the facts therein stated, and concluded by calling his attention to the authority there given to me to receive so much of the share of the indemnity in question assigned to the United States as might have been paid in the manner specified.

His lordship replied, in substance, confirming the accuracy of the statements contained in the despatch, but adding that in point of fact no money had yet

been received.

He could not at the moment tell the reason; but he was ready to accept this as notice that whenever it might be received, the portion of the United States should be paid over to my direction.

I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant,

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SIR: In my conference with Lord Clarendon, already alluded to in preceding despatches, I brought to his notice the substance of the representations made in

your despatches Nos. 1747 and 1751, in regard to the discrimination made in Ireland in the treatment of native and naturalized citizens of the United States, and your desire that some policy might be more clearly defined.

I added that I was not quite sure whether the distinction made in the first instance as to the right of access of the consul to the respective persons had been kept up. I had accidentally omitted to inquire of Mr. West as to that point, so that I was not in a position to affirm that it had. But supposing it to be so, I trusted that it would not be adhered to.

His lordship said that he had at once written to the authorities in Ireland to remove all unnecessary distinctions, and he presumed that they had done so. They, of course, could not concede the point of allegiance; but he thought the arrangement that had been made between us had removed all necessity of collision on that point. For the rest he thought they were desirous to get rid of all the men who had been imprisoned just as fast as was possible, consistent with their own safety.

I said that I was glad to learn the release of several persons about whom I had received instructions to make representations. There were only two cases in which a refusal had been given, and in those two the reason assigned was such as I, in the face of our experience in the late war, could not object to. Without claiming anything, I, however, recapitulated the facts attending the situation of Colonel Burke and his wife in such a manner that he took a note of it, with a view to see what could be done for him.

He said that he had read the correspondence of the consuls at Queenstown and Dublin, and expressed much satisfaction with the prudent and careful manher in which they had conducted it.

I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant,

Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD,

CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS.

Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.

Mr. Adams to Mr. Seward.

No. 1212.]

LEGATION OF THE UNITED STATES,

London, June 2, 1866. SIR: The commercial panic precipitated by the threatening aspect of things on the continent has subsided but slowly. Relief has been obtained on the one side by the receipt of unexpectedly large gold remittances from the United States; and on the other by the consent of the great powers to assemble their delegates in conference at Paris, with the hope of arriving at a peaceful settlement of all difficulties.

Presuming that you receive from the proper quarters on the continent full reports of the state of things prevailing in the different courts, I do not venture upon any predictions as to the course which events will ultimately take. It will be sufficient for my purpose to explain, so far as I can, the effect upon them of the policy adopted here. The issue of the struggle in Parliament on the Danish question two years ago, the immediate forerunner of the present complication, was to establish for this country a new rule of neutrality and isolation towards all the continental nations. To that rule it is the present intention of this government to adhere, whatever may happen. Conscious of this advantage, the Emperor of France appears to be more and more shaping his course towards establishing himself as the arbiter of all the interests of continental Europe. His aim, so far as it may be gathered from his language, is to unsettle in all its parts the arrangement adverse to France which followed the downfall of the first Napoleon in 1815. This has already been in a measure accomplished;

but much yet remains, and that the most deeply connected with the interests of France. The provisions of the treaties of 1815 have ceased to be effective in the greater part of Italy, in the low countries, in Savoy, and in the Elbe Duchies. They still continue in force on that part of the boundaries of France in which it is most assailable from without. It is, therefore, not unreasonable to impute to its sovereign a desire ultimately so to extend its lines in that quarter as to restore the boundary established in the day of his uncle, but wiped out by the triumph of his enemies. The motives of this course may not be purely patriotic ones. Considering the growing restlessness of the people under his sway, they may not unfairly be considered to embrace the object of diverting their attention from purely domestic concerns to a result always cherished, the attainment of which might help to restore his popularity and confirm his dynasty.

I have remarked that the present attitude of Great Britain furnishes facilities for the prosecution of such a policy as is here indicated, which may tempt the Emperor to seize the present opportunity to use them. On the other hand, he must possess stronger nerves than he has credit for to contemplate with calmness the consequences that may ensue from lighting what may prove to be a general conflagration. As yet there is reason to suspect that he has not braced himself up to that exact point. The evidence of this is the assembly of the conference under the pressure put upon him by England and Russia. A few days only can intervene before he must show his hand more clearly than he has yet done. When he does, and not till then, shall we be in a position to judge of the probabilities of preserving the peace, not less of Great Britain than that of the rest of Europe.

I have the honor to be, sir, your obedient servant,

Hon. WILLIAM H. SEWARD,

CHARLES FRANCIS ADAMS.

Secretary of State, Washington, D. C.

No. 1772.]

Mr. Seward to Mr. Adams.

DEPARTMENT OF STATE,

Washington, June 4, 1866.

SIR: You will not unreasonably look to me for some account of the troubles which have arisen on the Canadian border.

On Thursday, the 30th, considerable numbers of the so-called Fenians appeared at Buffalo. Rumor at the same time announced that others of the same class were proceeding towards Pottsdam, in New York, and towards St. Albans, in Vermont, with the supposed determination to pass through those points to Canada. On the night of the 30th a body estimated to be from 1,000 to 1,500 strong made their way in small commercial craft across the Black Rock ferry, at Fort Erie.

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By some conjuncture of circumstances there was no armed vessel at Buffalo except the steamer Michigan, the revenue cutters being at the time on a distant cruise. The fort at Buffalo was garrisoned by only one company.

In the night of the 31st, a provincial force, consisting of artillery and infantry, represented to be 800, passed by railroad to meet the invaders. We have conflicting reports of a contest near Fort Erie, but the way of the battle is in dispute, and, perhaps, the whole transaction is an exaggeration. What I can state with more certainty is, what this government has directed to be done in the matter. For several days past, as information was obtained of the movement of arms, they have been seized, a considerable number at Buffalo and Pottsdam, more at St. Albans, and a small number, with a large mass of prepared ammunition, at New York. The revenue cutters have been called down from the lake. The garri

sons at the several points indicated, and also at Rouse's Point, have been increased. Major General Barry has taken command on the frontier under Major General Meade, who has also proceeded to the border. The prosecuting officers are vigilant, and we hope to be able to suppress further proceedings in violation of neutrality.

Later we hear that the Irishmen who crossed at Fort Erie retreated yesterday, and that, in attempting to cross the Niagara, at Black Rock, they were intercepted and captured (to the number of about 700) by the United States steamer Michigan. They are now held in custody by the United States civil authorities at Black Rock.

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SIR: I have to acknowledge the reception from the department of despatch No. 1763, of the 21st May.

The events of the past week have not been without interest, both as connected with the internal as with the foreign affairs of the kingdom.

The grand combination of the elements of opposition to the reform measure, which was to have tried its strength with the ministry on Monday night, suddenly and rather unaccountably broke down at the most critical moment. The true cause of this it is difficult to discover. There are rumors generally current here that it grew out of a private understanding between the members of the government and the disaffected persons in their own ranks, to the effect that, in consideration of a united demonstration in favor of the bill at this stage, the attempt to carry it through would be abandoned for the present session. This implies so great a disregard of character, and all past declarations on the part of Earl Russell and Mr. Gladstone, that it is impossible to give it credit for a single moment. It is more reasonable to presume that the ill-assorted union proved impracticable, and that many of those who had been led to join it determined to retrace their steps whilst retreat was possible.

But although the reform measure is thus proved to be too strong to be resisted by direct means, its fate, under the joint effect of procrastination and incidental amendment, yet remains very doubtful. The fact of the secret indisposition towards it of the great majority remains indisputable. If, under all these disadvantages, the energy and power of Mr. Gladstone should ultimately force it. through, at least so far as it relates to the essential point of the lowering of the franchise, his triumph will prove one of the most remarkable events in English parliamentary history.

The other event is the final abandonment of the project of the conference of the great powers, suggested by France and Great Britain, as a means of averting the dangers of a continental war. It latterly bore on its face so much the aspect of an invitation to Austria to consent to see itself dismembered without a murmur, that its refusal can scarcely give occasion for surprise. The only doubt entertained is as to the expediency of making its declarations in advance. War is now regarded as inevitable. The great interest of it will turn upon its possible operation upon the liberal movement of Europe. Austria and Prussia both have elements of commotion agitating them within, which may find vent in some unexpected and momentous developments on the first opportunity. Behind

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