for efchewing the Wrong that might be done unto thee, by the publishing of fo many falfe Copies that begin already to be spread thereof. And thus hoping of thy kinde Acceptance of this my well meant Labour, I bid thee farewell.

His MAJESTIES Speech to both Houfes of Parliament.

M

Y Lords of the Higher Houfe, and you Knights and Burgeffes of the Lower Houfe, all Men at the Beginning of a Feaft bring foorth good Wine first, and after, worse. This was the Saying of the Governour of the Feast at Cana in Galile, where CHRIST wrought his first Miracle by changing Water into Wine. But in this Cafe now whereof I am to fpeake unto you, I must follow that Governours Rule, and not CHRISTS Example, in giving you the worst and fowreft Wine laft. For all the Time of this Long Seffion of the Parliament you have bin fo fed and cloy'd, (specially you of the Lower Houfe) with fuch Banquets, and choife of delicate Speeches, and your Eares fo feafoned with the Sweetneffe of long precogitate Orations; as this my Speech now in the Breaking up of this Affembly, .cannot but appeare unto your Taste as the worst Wine propofed in the End of the Banquet, fince I am onely to deliver nowe unto you Matter without curious Forme, Subftance without Ceremonie, Trueth in all Sinceritie. Yet confidering the Perfon that fpeaketh, the Parties to whom I fpeake, the Matter whereof I meane to speake: it fits better to utter Matter, rather then Words, in Regard of the Greatneffe of my Place who am to fpeake to you, the Gravitie of you the Auditorie, which is the High Court of Parliament; the Weight of the Matter, which concernes the Securitie and Establishment of this whole Empire, and little World. Studied Orations and much Eloquence upon little Matter is fit for the Universities, where not the Subject which is fpoken of, but the Triall of his Wit that speaketh, is moft commendable: but on the contrary, in all great Councels of Parliaments fewest Words with moft Matter doeth become beft, where the Difpatch of the great Errands in Hand, and not the Prayfe of the Perfon is moft to be looked unto: like the Garment of a chafte Woman, who is onely fet forth by her naturall Beautie, which is properly her owne: other Deckings are but Enfignes. of an Harlot that flies with borrowed Feathers. And befides the Conveniencie, I am forced hereunto by Neceffitie, my Place calling mee to Action, and not leaving mee to the Libertie of Contemplation, having alwayes my Thoughts bufied with the publique Care of you all, where every one of you having but himselfe and his owne private to thinke of, are at more Leisure to make ftudied Speeches. And therefore the Matter which I deliver you confusedly as in a Sacke, I leave it to you. when you are in your Chambers, and have better Leyfure then I can have, to ranke them in Order, every one in their owne Place.

Thus much by Way of Preface. But I proceed to the Matter. Whereof I might fay with S. Paul, I could fpeake in as many Tongues as you all, but I had rather fpeake three Wordes to Edification, then talke all Day without Understanding. In vaine (fayth the Pfalmift) doeth the Builder build the

House,

Houfe, or the Watchman watch the Citie, unleffe the Lord give his Bleffing thereunto. And in the New Teftament S. Paul faith, that he may plant, Apollo may water, but it is GOD onely that must give the Increase. This I fpeake, because of the long Time which hath bene spent about the Treatie of the Union. For my felfe, I proteft unto you all, when I first propounded the Union, I then thought there could have bene no more Question of it, then of your Declaration and Acknowledgement of my Right unto this Crowne, and that, as two Twinnes, they would have growen up together. The Error was my mistaking; I knew mine owne Ende, but not others Feares. But now finding many Croffings, long Difputations, ftrange Questions, and nothing done; I mnft needes thinke it proceedes either of mistaking of the Errand, or else from fome Jealoufie of me the Propounder, that you so adde Delay unto Delay, fearching out as it were the very Bowels of Curiofitie, and conclude nothing. Neither can I condemne you for being yet in fome Jealousie of my Intention in this Matter, having not yet had fo great Experience of my Behaviour and Inclination in these fewe Yeeres paft, as you may peradventure have in a longer Time hereafter, and not having Occafion to confult daily with my felfe, and heare mine owne Opinion in all thofe Particulars which are debated among you.

But here I pray you now mistake me not at the first, when as I feeme to find Fault with your Delayes and Curiofitie, as if I would have you to resolve in an Houres Time, that which will take a Moneths Advertisement: for you all know, that Rex eft lex loquens, and you have oft heard me fay, that the Kings Will and Intention being the speaking Law, ought to be Luce clarius: and I hope you of the Lower House have the Proofe of this my Cleereneffe by a Bill fent you down from the Upper-House within these fewe Dayes, or rather few Houres: wherein may very well appeare unto you the Care I have to put my Subjects in a good Security of their Poffeffions for all Pofterities to come. And therefore that you may cleerely understand my Meaning in that Point, I doe freely confeffe, you had Reason to advise at Leafure upon fo great a Caufe: for great Matters doe ever require great Deliberation before they be well concluded. Deliberandum eft diu quod ftatuendum eft femel. Confultations must proceed lento pede, but the Execution of a Sentence upon the Refolution would bee fpeedie. If you will go on, it Matters not though you goe with leaden Feete, fo you make ftill fome Progreffe, and that there be no Let or needeleffe Delay, and doe not Nodum in fcirpo quærere. I am ever for the Medium in every Thing. Betweene foolish Rafhneffe and extreame Length, there is a middle Way. Search all that is reasonable, but omit that which is idle, curious, and unneceffarie; otherwise there can never be a Refolution or End in any good Worke.

And now from the generall I will defcend to Particulars, and will onely for the Eafe of your Memories divide the Matter that I am to fpeake of, into foure Heads, by opening unto you, First, what I crave: Secondly, in what Manner I defire it: Thirdly, what Commodities will enfue to both the Kingdomes by it: Fourthly, what the fuppofed Inconveniencie may be that gives Impediments thereunto.

For

For the first, what I crave; I proteft before God who knowes my Heart, and to you my People before whom it were a Shame to lie, that I claime nothing but with Acknowledgment of my Bond to you; that as yee owe to me Subjection and Obedience: So my Soveraigntie obligeth me to yeeld to you Love, Government, and Protection: Neither did I ever with any Happineffe to my felfe, which was not conjoyned with the Happineffe of my People. 1 defire a perfect Union of Lawes and Perfons, and fuch a Naturalizing as may make one Body of both Kingdomes under mee your King, That I and my Pofteritie (if it fo pleafe God) may rule over you to the Worlds End; fuch an Union as was of the Scots and Pites in Scotland, and of the Heptarchie heere in England. And for Scotland I avow fuch an Union as if you had got it by Conqueft, but fuch a Conqueft as may be cemented by Love, the onely fure Bond of Subjection or Friendship: that as there is over both but unus Rex, fo there may bee in both but unus Grex' & una Lex: For no more poffible is it for one King to governe two Countreys contiguous, the one a great, the other a leffe, a richer and a poorer, the greater drawing. like an Adamant the leffer to the Commodities therof, then for one Head to governe two Bodies, or one Man to bee Hufband of two Wives, whereof Chrift himselfe faid, Ab initio non fuit fic.

But in the generall Union you muft obferve two Things: for I will difcover my Thoughts plainly unto you; I ftudy Clearenes, not Eloquence, and therfore with the olde Philofophers, I would heartily wish my Breit were a transparent Glaffe for you all to fee through, that you might looke into my Heart, and then would you be fatisfied of my Meaning. For when I speake of a perfect Union, I meane not Confufion of all Things: you must not take from Scotland those particular Priviledges that may ftand as well with this Union, as in England many particular Cuftomes in particular Shires, (as the Cuftomes of Kent, and the Royalties of the Countie Palatine of Chester) dowith the Common Law of the Kingdome: for every particular Shire almost, and much more every Countie, have fome particular Cuftomes that are as it were naturally most fit for that People. But I meane of fuch a generall Union of Lawes as may reduce the whole Iland, that as they live alreadie under one Monarch, so they may all be governed by one Law. For I must needes confeffe by that little Experience I have had fince my comming hither, and I thinke I am able to proove it, that the Grounds of the Common Law of England, are the best of any Law in the World, either Civill or Municipall, and the fitteft for this People. But as every Law would be cleare and full, fo the Obfcuritie in fome Points of this our written Law, and want of Fulneffe in others, the Variation of Cafes and Mens Curiofitie, breeding every Day new Questions, hath enforced the Judges to judge in many Cafes here, by Cafes and Prefidents, wherein I hope Lawyers themfelves will not denie but that there must be a great Uncertaintie, and I am fure all the rest of you that are Gentlemen of other Profeffions were long agoe wearie of it, if you could have had it amended. For where there is Varietie and Uncertaintie, although a juft Judge may doe rightly, yet an ill Judge may take Advantage to doe Wrong, and then are all honeft Men that fucceede him, tied in a

Maner

Maner to his unjust and partiall Conclufions. Wherefore, leave not the Lawe to the Pleasure of the Judge, but let your Lawes bee looked into: for I defire not the abolishing of the Lawes, but onely the clearing and the fweeping off the Ruft of them, and that by Parliament our Lawes might bee cleared and made knowen to all the Subjects. Yea rather it were leffe Hurt, that all the approved Cafes were fet down and allowed by Parliament for standing Lawes in all Time to come. For although fome of them peradventure may be unjust as fet downe by corrupt Judges; yet better it is to have a certaine Lawe with fome Spots in it, nor live under fuch an uncertaine and arbitrarie Law, fince as the Proverbe is, it is leffe Harme to fuffer an Inconveniencie then a Mischiefe. And now may you have faire Occafion of amending and polishing your Lawes, when Scotland is to be united with you under them: For who can blame Scotland to fay, If you will take away our owne Lawes, I pray you give us a better and cleerer in Place thereof.

But this is not poffible to be done without a fit Preparation. Hee that buildeth a Ship, must first provide the Timber; and as Chrift himselfe said, No Man will build an House, but he wil first provide the Materials: nor a wife King will not make Warre against another, without he first make Provifion of Money: and all great Workes must have their Preparation: and that was my End in caufing the Inftrument of the Union to be made. Union is a Mariage: would hee not be thought abfurd that for furthering of a Mariage betweene two Friends of his, would make his firft Motion to have the two Parties be laid in Bedde together, and performe the other Turnes of Mariage? muft there not precede the mutuall Sight and Acquaintance of the Parties one with another, the Conditions of the Contract, and Joincture to be talked of and agreed upon by their Friends, and fuch other Things as in order ought to goe before the Ending of fuch a Worke? The Union is an eternall Agreement and Reconciliation of many long bloody Warres that have bene betweene thefe two ancient Kingdomes. It is the readieft Way to agree a private Quarrell betweene two, to bring them at the first to shake Hands, and as it were kiffe other, and lie under one Roofe or rather in one Bedde together, before that first the Ground of their Quarell be communed upon, their Mindes mitigated, their Affections prepared, and all other Circumstances first used, that ought to be used to proceed to fuch a final Agreement? Every honeft Man defireth a perfect Union, but they that fay fo, and admit no Preparation thereto, have Mel in Ore, Fel in Corde. If after your fo long Talke of Union in all this long Seffion of Parliament, yee rise without agreeing upon any Particular; what will the neighbour Princes judge, whofe Eyes are all fixed upon the Conclufion of this Action, but that the King is refused in his Defire, whereby the Nation fhould be taxed, and the King difgraced? And what an ill Preparation is it for the Mindes of Scotland toward the Union, when they fhall heare that Ill is fpoken of their whole Nation, but nothing is done nor advanced in the Matter of the Union it felfe? But this I am glad was but the Fault of one, and one is no Number: yet have your Neighbours of Scotland this Advantage of you, that none of tkem hath spoken Ul of you (nor fhall as long as I am King) in Parliament,

ог

or any fuch publique Place of Judicature. Confider therefore well, if the Mindes of Scotland had not neede to be well prepared to perfwade their mutuall Confent, feeing you here have all the great Advantage by the Union. Is not here the perfonall Refidence of the King, his whole Court and Family? Is not here the Seate of Juftice, and the Fountaine of Government? mult they not be subjected to the Lawes of England, and fo with Time become but as Cumberland and Northumberland, and thofe other Remote and Northerne Shires? you are to be the Hufband, they the Wife: you Conquerours, they as conquered, though not by the Sword, but by the fweet and fure Bond of Love. Befides that, they as other Northerne Countreys will be feldome feene and faluted by their King, and that as it were but in a pofting or hunting Journey.

How little Caufe then they may have of fuch a Change of fo ancient a Monarchie into the Cafe of private Shires, judge rightly herein. And that you may bee the more upright Judges, fuppofe your felves the Patients of whom fuch Sentence fhould bee given. But what Preparation is it that I crave? onely fuch as by the Entrance may fhew fomething is done, yet more is intended. There is a Conceipt intertained, and a double Jealoufie poffeffeth many, wherein I am misjudged.

First, that this Union wil be the Crifis to the Overthrow of England and fetting up of Scotland: England will then bee overwhelmed by the Swarming of the Scots, who if the Union were effected, would raigne and rule all.

The fecond is, my profufe Liberalitie to the Scottish Men more then the English, and that with this Union all Things fhalbe given to them, and you turned out of all: To you fhall be left the Sweat and Labour, to them fhall bee given the Fruite and Sweet; and that my Forbearance is but till this Union may be gained. How agreeable this is to the Trueth, judge you; and that not by my Wordes, but by my Actions. Doe I crave the Union without Exceptions; doe I not offer to binde my felfe and to referve to you, as in the Inftrument, all Places of Judicature? Doe I intend any Thing which standeth not with the equall Good of both Nations? I could then have done it, and not spoken of it: For all Men of Understanding muft agree, that I might difpofe without Affent of Parliament, Offices of Judicature, and others, both Ecclefiafticall and Temporall. But herein I did voluntarily offer by my Letters from Royston to the Commiffioners, to binde my Prerogative.

Some thinke that I will draw the Scottish Nation hither, talking idlely of transporting of Trees out of a barren Ground into a better, and of leane Cattell out of bad Pasture into a more fertile Soile. Can any Man difplant you, unleffe you will? or can any Man thinke that Scotland is fo ftrong to pull you out of your Houfes? or doe you not thinke I know England hath more People, Scotland more waft Ground? So that there is Roumth in Scotland rather to plant your idle People that fwarme in London Streets, and other Townes, and Difburthen you of them, then to bring more unto you; and in Cafes of Juftice, if I be partiall to either Side, let my owne Mouth condemne me, as unworthy to be your King.

VOL. I.

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