In the late wars, New Orleans and the lower parts of Louifiana were fupplied with flour, beer, wines, hams, and other provifions from this country at prefent its commerce is moftly confined to the peltry and furs, which are got in traffic from the Indians; for which are received in return fuch European commodities as are neceffary to carry on that commerce and the fupport of the inhabitants. This country, when in the poffeffion of the French was governed by a military officer, called the Major-commandant, who was appointed by the governor of New Orleans. He was always a man connected with the governor by intereft or relationship; he was abfolute in his authority, except in matters of life and death; capital offences were tried by the council at New Orleans; the whole Indian trade was fo much in the power of the commandant, that nobody was permitted to be concerned in it, but on condition of giving him part of the profits. Whenever he made prefents to the Indians, in the name of his king, he received peltry and furs in return: as the fents he gave were to be confidered as marks of his favour and love for them, fo the returns they made were to be regarded as proofs of their attachment to him. Speeches accompanied by prefents were called Paroles de valeur; any Indians who came to a French poft were fubfifted at the expence of the King during their stay, and the fwelling this account was no inconfiderable emolument. pre As every bufinefs the commandant had with the Indians was attended with certain profit, it is not surprising that he fpared no pains to gain their affections; and he made it equally the intereft of the officers under him to please them, by permitting them to trade, and making them his agents in the Indian countries. If any perfon brought goods within the limits of bis jurifdiction, without his particular licence, he would oblige them to fell their merchandize, at a very moderate profit, to the commiffary, on the King's account, calling it an emergency of government, and employ the fame goods in his own private commerce. It may eafily be fuppofed, from what has been before faid, that a complaint to the governor of New Orleans would meet with very little redrefs. It may be asked, if the inhabitants were not offended at this monopoly of trade and arbitrary. proceedings? The commandant could beftow many favours on them, fuch as giving contracts for furnishing provifions, or performing public works; by employing them in his trade, or by making their children cadets, who were allowed pay and provifions, and could, when they were grown up, recommend them for commiffions. They were happy if by the most fervile and fubmiffive behaviour they could gain his confidence and favour. Every perfon capable of bearing arms was enrolled in the militia, militia, and a captain of militia and officers were appointed to each parish: the captain of militia regulated corvées and other perfonal fervice. From this military form of government the authority of the commandant was almost univerfal. The commiffary was a mere cypher, and rather kept for form, than for any real ufe; he was always a perfon of low dependance, and never dared counteract the will of the commandant.' "In concluding this article, we must remark, that the draughts and plans, which illuftrate this work, appear to be executed with great exactnefs and tafte. ART. III. Joannis Lelandi Antiquarii de Rebus Britannicis Collettanea: cum Thoma Hearnii Praefatione Notis et Indice ad Editionem primam. Editio altera. Accedunt de rebus Anglicanis opufcula varia è diverfis Codd. MSS. defcripta et nunc primum in lucem edita. 8vo. 6 Vols. 21. 2s. Impenfis Gul, et Jo. Richardfon. 1770. Tcularly HE hiftory and antiquities of our own country are particularly interefting; and those publications that attempt to clear up the obfcurity in which they are involved, are deserving of the higheft encouragement. If the different branches of the prerogative were fully explained, and if the rights to which the people are intitled were clearly understood, we should not, poffibly, have experienced of late, in fo great a degree, the heats and animofities of political contention. Difputes, in this cafe, might be brought to a fpeedy iffue; and men would determine themselves by their judgment, rather than their paffions. Though the work before us is imperfect, and is not reduced into any method, the materials it contains are by no means defpicable; and ingenious and fpeculative men may form from them confiftent details, and may even be led to make important difcoveries. In confequence of a commiffion from Henry VIII. our Author had accefs to all the cathedrals, abbies, priories, colleges, and other places in the kingdom, where books, records, and writings, relating to its hiftory and antiquities were repofited. Of this advantage he was ftudious to avail himself; and, in the courfe of feveral years, he had made very ample collections. But, while he was endeavouring to give form and order to them, ftruck, as it is thought, with the greatness of his defigns, he became difordered in his judgment. In this fituation his collectanea had poffibly been loft to the world, if the induftrious Mr. Thomas Hearne had not taken the labour of publifhing them. ༞།། ཉ།་་་ ་¥་ Leland had a taste for poetry and eloquence, was a mafter of languages, and poffeffed an acutenefs that is rarely the por tion of Antiquarians. It is not commonly known, and we take this opportunity to mention it to his honour, that Harrifon, in his description of Britain; Stowe, in his furvey of London; and even Camden, in his Britannia; have taken the benefit of many of his obfervations and remarks, without being very careful to acknowledge their obligation to him. The prefent edition of his Collectanea appears to be executed with accuracy, and is enriched with feveral valuable pieces, never before published. ART. IV. An Efay on Trade aud Commerce: containing Obfervations on Taxes, as they are fuppofed to affect the Price of Labour in our Manufactories: together with Jome interefting Reflections on the Importance of our Trade to America. To which is added the Outlines, or Sketch, of a Scheme for the Maintenance and Employment of the Poor, the Prevention of Vagrancy, and Decrease of the Poor's Rates. Humbly addreffed to the Legiflature of the Kingdom; by the Author of Confiderations on Taxes, &c.* 8vo. 4 s. fewed. Hooper. 1770.1 5 NOTHING is a greater evidence of the grofs defects in our domeftic policy, than the burdensome increase of our parish poor and though our workhoufes are in general under bad regulation, yet those who imagine that a proper management of the poor, after they are reduced to take refuge in these afylums, would fufficiently cure the evil, are much in the fame cafe in which a fhip's crew would be, who having a dangerous leak in the veffel, fhould think to clear the hold of water merely by keeping their pumps going, and should content themfelves with ftudying how to improve the ftructure of those machines, inftead of fearching for the inlet of the water, and effectually clofing it. The ingenious author of the work now before us, extends his views farther than meer workhoufe economy, aiming at preventive remedies rather than palliatives; and he makes a variety of fenfible remarks on the several subjects mentioned in the title above, chiefly tending to reduce the number of the poor. We are however doubtful whether his views effectually reach the cause of the evils he would cure. Our Author, like Mr. Young + the writer of the Farmer's Letters, &c. maintains the expediency of keeping up the price of provifions, in order to keep down the price of labour, and preserve our foreign trade; an argument which he allows to be paradoxical at firft view: and though it may have fome foundation, in truth, yet, as we have formerly obferved, it ought to be * See Review, vol. xxxii. p. 389. very cautioully admitted, left, in the ardor of profecuting this favourite principle, humanity fhould be extinguifhed. Thofe, fays our Author, who have clöfely attended to the difpofition and conduct of a manufacturing populace, have always found that to labour lefs and not cheaper has been the confequence of a low price of provifions; and that when provifions are dear, from whatever caufe, labour is always plentiful, always well performed, and of courfe is always cheaper than when provifions are at a low price. To explain this, let us obferve, firft, that mankind, in general, are naturally inclined to ease and indolence, and that no thing but abfolute neceffity will enforce labour and industry. Secondly, that our poor, in general, work only for the bare neceffaries of life, or for the means of a low debauch; which when obtained, they ceafe to labour till roufed again by neceffity. Thirdly, that it is beft for themfelves, as well as for fociety, that they fhould be conftantly employed.' True; but let us take care not to opprefs thofe of our induftrious poor, who come not under this defcription. It were much to be wished that there were lefs room for the following obfervations on the diffolutenefs of our labouring manufactures: When it is confidered what luxuries the manufacturing populace confume, fuch as brandy, gin, tea, fugar, foreign fruit, ftrong beer, printed linens, fnuff, tobacco, &c. &c. it is amazing, any one fhould be fo weak as to conceive that taxes raise the price of labour; or that it fhould be neceffary to raise the price of labour because of our taxes, in order to enable the poor to live comfortably, knowing they confume fuch heaps of fuperfluities. I am informed, that in one little manufacturing town in the Weft of England, of about three thousand inhabitants, excife is paid for two thoufand hogfheads of ftrong beer, befides what is spent in fpirituous liquors; all proofs of exorbitant wages. But one of the fatal confequences of an high price of labour is, that it produces floth. If a defire of luxuries produced industry, it might be useful, create trade, and improve the Jands; hence all might confume more, and bear with equal facility higher taxes; but an hour's labour loft in a day is a prodigious injury to a commercial state.' Though the description here drawn appears fomewhat exaggerated, yet it is too true that a general relaxation of induftry and morals is difcoverable in all ranks of people, in large towns; which affords prognoftics the more melancholy as it is contrary to all experience to fee a nation contaminated with luxury, reftore itself to industry and fobriety: this would be going backward, whereas, in this fublunary world, all things go progreffively, The The rapidity of the progrefs we make in all kinds of diffipation and vice is by no means hard to account for. Luxury produces poverty, our nobility are far from being patterns of rigid virtue; and a clofe attention to every means of increafing the public revenue, which in reference to the parish poor's rate, may be termed the poor nobility's rate, occafions the multiplication of licensed receptacles of diffolutenefs and vulgar riot to be encouraged and thus we all gallop merrily on toward national tuin! The vices of the Great, render ftate economy improbable; and without a more prudent fyftem of domeftic policy, the poor can never be in any measure reformed. To fet about reforming the poor, after conniving at their corruption, is beginning at the wrong end. Coercive laws will never be able to effect it. Reformation muft begin where vice and profligacy of every kind originate; and were this, against all hope, to take place, the happy contagion would in due time diffuse itself, and defcend to the lowest of the people. It is for thefe reafons we think all topical remedies applied to check the fymptoms of our national diftempers, while the canfes continue to operate without being adverted to, as haraffing ourfelves to worfe than no purpose. Our Author is a ftrong advocate for a general naturalization to increase the number of induftrious people, and keep down the price of labour. This indeed might be eafily effected, if, by a fudden influx of foreigners, more hands fhould offer than can be employed, an inconvenience which fometimes happens even among ourfelves: but whether an immediate acceffion of foreign refugees, is wanted at this time, when the number of natural born fubjects is progreffively enlarging, is a point deferving mature confideration. But as this fact may perhaps be doubted, it may be worth explaining, and may be convincingly done in few words. The metropolis, and other large cities and towns, have of late years been evidently increafing in buildings and inhabitants; while no proof appears of the country being thinned by that means: yet thofe who know not whence the people fpring, imagine that the country lofes all that our towns gain. We have feen the depopulation of the country taken for granted as an undoubted fact, and bewailed in pathetic ftrains, with the ufual poetical licence to make free both with truth and common fenfe, in defcribing as realities the vifionary phantoms conjured up by imagination. In the Bishop of Worcester's fermon in behalf of inoculation of the fmall-pox, which was preached near nineteen years ago, (and which in its tendency is worth all the poems that have been Fabricated fince, to go no farther back) it is ftated, that of I thofe |