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exactly upon the same plane of equality. This must come about as soon as despotic government is broken up and the people universally govern. The rights of individuals cannot be protected until the world has freed itself from the domination of wealth.

The struggle of the common people for their inalienable rights is not the battle of a day, but of centuries. It goes on with the progress of enlightenment. The victory will be won when the divinity of humanity has been completely recognized in the universal thought of men. The foolish homage so long given to wealth will then be replaced by homage to manhood.

"A man's a man for a' that,"

is the germ-idea of civilization-the corner stone of the temple of freedom.

The most powerful agents are the most subtile. Ideas are irresistible. When our fathers announced "We hold these truths to be self-evident that all men are created equal and are endowed by their Creator with the inalienable rights of life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness," the irrepressible conflict between freedom and slavery began in the new world. The poor black man was held under no worse servitude than the poor white man is held to-day.

The poor man has ever been a slave to the rich. Great the friction this onward moving idea was destined to encounter. Blood must flow like water; but the idea must move on and on; and just so sure as the world is destined to emerge from darkness into light, from barbarism into civilization, equality must come.

"Still it moves"-the pondrous world still rolls upon its axis, and the truths of God advance. The mills of the gods are slowly grinding out the inevitable. In the atmosphere of America-clear as the mountain atmosphere of Colorado-the bright dome of the temple of freedom stands out against the horizon as if but a little way off. But before the people shall enter that temple “equal" dreadful conflicts must even yet be had. The hosts of slavery must be further overcome they must be routed and driven from the very "last ditch." Not an inch of ground will the enemy yield except it be taken from him by mighty force.

When announced "all are created equal," our people were, for more than a hundred years, destined to wander in the wilderness ere this ideal could be replaced by the real. The war of Revolution snuffed out the "king" idea, and that of a "titled nobility." Slowly and surely have the people been advancing. The public conscience could no longer tolerate the flaunting lie of chattel slavery written upon our escutcheon. That devil "went out hard," but it had to go, because our fathers had declared for human equality.

But another step forward will soon be taken by the American nation-another step towards the full realization of the idea of the Declaration of Independence. The storm-cloud is gathering. One even now may behold it, "larger than a man's hand." Millions of earnest men and women in this United States, North and South, are united as one in the determination that the poor man shall have his rights that intelligence and numbers and not "capital" shall rule the nation.

"Chattel slavery," they assert, "has been abolished; but the rights and relations of labor stand just where they did before the emancipation, in respect to the divisions of its products. The difference lies only in the methods of abstracting the results and concentrating them in the hands of a few capitalists. Capital is now the master and dictates the terms, and thus all laborers are practically plced in the same condition as the slave before the emancipation."

Strong language indeed, and big with meaning. Thus spoke the

farmers and workingmen of Indiana in State Convention, assembled at Indianapolis, on the 10th day of June, 1874:

"We need only point," they say, "to the fact that in this benificent country of unlimited resources, with the land annually groaning beneath the products of human effort, the mass of the people have no supply beyond their daily wants, and are compelled, from unjust conditions, in sickness or misfortune, to become paupers. Pauperism and crime are the perplexing questions of all. modern statesmanship, and it is with these we have to deal. How far these evils are connected with the abuses inflicted on labor, a superficial statesmanship seems not to perceive."

They point out as the instrumentality by which these wrongs are inflicted:

"First-Banking and moneyed monopolies, by which, through ruinous rates of interest, the products of human labor are concentrated into the hands of non-producers. This is the great central source of these wrongs, in and through which all other monopolies exist and operate.

"Second-Consolidated railroads and other transit monopolies, whereby all industries are taxed to the last mill they will bear for the benefit of the stockholders and stock-jobbers.

"Third-Manufacturing monopolies, whereby all small operators are crushed out and the prices of labor and products are determined with mathematical certainty in the interest of the capitalists.

"Fourth-Land monopolies, by which the public domain is absorbed by a few corporations and speculators.

"Fifth-Commercial and grain monopolies, and speculation enriching the bloated corporations on human necessities."

The working men and farmers then announce it to be their aim to "restore the government to its original purpose," which they define to be to "protect property and enforce natural rights." "We desire," they say, "a proper equality and protection for the weak, and restraint upon the strong; in short, justly distributed burdens and justly distributed powers." These, they affirm are American ideas, the very essence of American independence, and to "advocate the contrary is unworthy the sons and daughters of an American Republic."

Who is so blind that he does not "discern the signs of the times?" There is near at hand a struggle that will "try men's souls." If you, reader, have in you the heart of a patriot, it will be warmed with emotions of love for your country, and like a true man, you will be found in the ranks of the common people, contending for the immortal principle of human equality. If you are contaminated with venality--if you have in you the heart of a Benedict Arnold-the rich capitalist will enlist you on his side, for he has in his possession the money bag; and by bribery, by the aid of a venal press, and base appeals to the basest passions of the base, he will endeavor to rally to his standard his hireling supporters, and by their aid strive to keep down under his feet the working population of this nation.

Years ago, when I read of the efforts of the laboring men of Europe for their rights, as shown in the aims of the International Society, I said, "when the working men and farmers of America begin in earnest to strike for their rights, then will my heart be enlisted in the great cause, and so long as the Good Being shall see fit to preserve my life, will I battle with tongue and pen to hasten on the period when the glorious dream of Jefferson shall be realized, and all be indeed equal." I believe the time is not far distant in the history of this country, when the laws shall be so perfect and the administration of them so complete, that there will be practical equality among the people and the divine command "thou shalt love thy fellow man as thyself," be practically enforced as the supreme law of the land."

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That "all men are created equal," implies that practical equality ought to be maintained among men, else it is a meaningless expression, so far as the rights of men are concerned. It means that in society all are by nature equal, and no artificial fetters ought to be permitted to bind the hands of any. The track should be clear, so that all might have an even chance in the race toward the goal of mental and moral perfection. There should be no hinderances set up by the laws or customs, or conditions of society, to any; but every child born ought to have an even start with every other child. Inequality of conditions exists among men because governments and laws are immature. The few should not be permitted to clutch the surplhs wealth of the nation; but all surplus wealth should be in the possession of the State, for the common benefit, that the youth of the land may be completely educated and protected from pauperism and prepared for the sublime office of citizenship.

We may define a true and perfect government or commonwealth, in the words of the divine teacher of men, "Thou shalt love thy fellow man as thyself." The object of good government is to compel the performance of the natural obligations of man to man. It is true that government cannot directly compel man to love his fellow man; but it is the office of the school master to instil into the minds of youth the sentiments of love and patriotism, and fidelity and duty. Government is responsible for the education of the people. To the government we must look to encourage and support those schools and institutions of learning that shall lead all citizens to realize their obligations to each other and to society. Government should enforce the duties resulting from the natural obligation to love our fellow man as ourself. Our free school system is based upon this fact. Many individuals pay taxes to educate the children of poor men who would not give a cent for that purpose voluntarily. The government compels the performance of this grand duty. The government should crystalize in its laws the command, "Love thy neighbor as thyself."

Let us see for a moment what kind of society or state that would be in which this divine law was practically carried out and enforced. No fraternity could be bound more closely in its obligations of charity. Every widow and every orphan would receive a bountiful pension. Who would fail to love such a government? Who would not be willing to die in defense of such noble institutions? There would be no such word known as "selfishness" in such a well ordered society. Every one would live and labor for other's good and not for his own. He would be compelled to do so, whether he felt like doing it or not, as every rich man is compelled to pay taxes to support free schools, though rome sordid ones bite their lips with indignation because compelled to contribute to the education of other's children. But the law says to

him "Thou shalt love thy neighbor as thyself," "thou shalt love," so far as to give willingly or unwillingly of thy substance for the education of the children of thy unfortunate or less prosperous neighbor. His children thou must bless-with thy money paid into the public school fund willingly or unwillingly, thou shalt, so far as thy actions are concerned, practically "love thy neighbor as thyself." But our free school system is only the shadow of good things to come. The pensions given to orphans and widows of soldiers who fell in the service, are but the shadows of good things to come. Every widow and every orphan will one day, in this free and happy republic, draw pension from government-not as paupers but as rightful heirs; for each good and true citizen will say, "Every mother in America is my mother. I will assume to be the father of the fatherless. I will do all in my pow

er to have it said, 'it is good for children to be born.'" If it is right that we should love our fellow-men as ourselves, the state is obligated to enorce the practical observance of all actions properly growing out of this duty. Every person living under the shadow of this divine law has rights growing out of this law. It is the duty of the government to enforce natural rights. It is a natural law that the father shall love his children. His duty is to watch over and protect his child. The law of the land punishes the parent for neglect; for there is such a thing as "criminal neglect." The father must fulfill the duties of a father. The child can demand protection. The child has rights -growing out of its condition as a helpless, dependent child. The law of the land must enforce the natural obligation of the father to protect his child. If it is the supreme law of God and nature that we should love our fellow man as ourself, then it is the ffice of the government to enforce the obligations growing out of this divine law. Love is, and has ever been held by the enlightened, the supreme law. It was engraven on a tomb of one of the Pharaos at Thebes, more than three thousand years ago, "I have given bread to the hungry; water to the thirsty; clothes to the naked, and shelter to the stranger." Four thousand years look down upon the saying of the Rig Veda, "The kind mortal is greater than the greatest in heaven."

To this law of love all laws must ultimately be conformed. Whatever is contrary to love must one day come to an end. “I know," says Theodore Parker, "man will triumph over matter; the people over tyrants; right over wrong; truth over falsehood; love over hate." Upon the ultimate, final and complete triumph of love hangs the hope of the universe. The world becomes civilized as men learn to love one another. Stop the onward progress of a divine idea' who can! Selfishness and cruelty must perish. What a change will come over the face of this world! Armies will one day cease to muster for war. Navies will ride the seas no more. Complete equality will prevail among men. The freedom and happiness of every individual will be secure. Each will practically love his neighbor as himself. I repeat, inequality of conditions exists among men because governments and laws are immature. Man is yet a savage. Oh, if we could but lift the curtain of the future and behold the glorious panorama of the world as it will be when the people have got full control of all States, and when kings and priests and aristocrats shall be unknown, then would we behold a picture hat would gladden every heart. The ponderous roller of enlightened reason, truth and love, must yet pass over the world, leveling all inequalities of condition. The time will come when mankind will indeed be one family, and when one child of God will be just as well off as an other. Is God the father of us all, and are we brethren and joint inheritors of this world, when a few get all and the many nothing? Every child born ought to have an even start with every other child. Is not this God's world, and are not all alike his offspring? Why then should the few be permitted to clutch the surplus wealth of the nations?

III. The Land for All.

It is worth while to note particularly how inequality of conditions among men is brought about. Money gained by honest industry is bestowed by God. By industry, it is said we gain wealth; but this saying is false. No man can by honest industry become very wealthy. It is not by industry great fortunes have been gained. Look at the great landed estates possessed by the feudal lords of Europe. In the middle ages all Europe was subjugated by the Gothic and Vandal tribes. The chiefs divided up the land between themselves, and (as in England)

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the law of primogeniture has brought down the landed estates whole and unbroken to the descendents of those military chiefs.

Any one can see that those chiefs looked only to their own selfish interest and of their posterity. The laws were made in the interest of the rich. The sons of the lords are all provided for by the laws of England, even to-day. The church and the army furnish "sinecures," "livings," large "pay," to the sons of the rich only. Thus it has ever been that selfishness has cursed the world; for nearly all the laws that govern mankind to-day have been dictated by selfishness. The inalienable rights of man have not been regarded, but only the interests of the ruling class the rich.

We are accustomed to consider that to be right which is legitimate, which is lawful. Is it right for a very few men to own the lands of England, Ireland and Scotland? Those few are a privileged class. They do no manual labor, but they are supported by the toil and sweat of other men, whom God designed to be their equals, and who are their peers in all respects but that these monopolize the earth that God has designed to be as free as the air we breathe and the water we drink. They hold this land by the same right that the slave-master of the South held his slave-by the law of force and not by any natural right. It is amazing that in this enlightened age, when in all lands, it is conceded by all fair-minded men, that all just government is founded on the sovereignty and consent of the governed, and that its purpose is to protect the weak and restrain the strong -enforcing natural rights-it is amazing I say, that the oppressed millions of England, Ireland and Scotland do not assert their right to the equal protection of the laws, and bring down the land monopolists to the same level as other men-dividing up the lands equally among the people to whom it rightfully belongs. How much better are those landlords than were the slave-buyers and slave-sellers of the South? They seize upon and appropriate to their own use the profits of other men's labor.

The first thing in importance to the happiness of mankind is the suppression of monopoly in lands. God and nature give no right to any man of any more of earth's surface than when tilled by his own hands will supply his necessities. The only right that any man can set up to any more than an equitable portion of God's domain is the "legal" right. The common law favoring land monopoly has come down to us from the dark ages, when might made right, and when a few military cheiftains divided habitable Europe between themselves, holding the rest of mankind as vassals and slaves. The common law founded in wrong ought not to be considered binding to-day. The statute laws of the country are made by the people, and the people will not always be willing to let the few alone reap advantage from the laws. Individual rights does not mean the privilege of the individual to plunder his neighbors. No man has a right to grasp more than his just share of God's gifts to His children. The same arguments must be resorted to, to justify land monopoly as were used to justify human slavery. When the few own all the lands the people are not better off than were the negro slaves of the South. Land monopoly places the many under the heels of the few, destroying the independence and happiness of the great majority of mankind, reducing them to practical vassalage. When the few own all the lands, they dictate to the many the terms on which they will allow them to live at all. In this country land rents are becoming higher and higher. In England and Ireland the tiller of the soil gets only a tithe of the profits of his own labor while the landlord seizes upon the bulk. The laborer is reduced to the greatest indigence, while the land-lord wallows in luxury. The time will come in this country when the landless will be in the condi