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winded extempore sermon, for, of course, not | a window is allowed to be open, the galleries are quiet, the deputies attentive, when, suddenly, a burst of hissing on the one hand and clapping on the other, with the violent ringing of the president's bell, and shouts of Ruhe! ruhe! equivalent to "Order! order!" convince the looker-on that he is not in a place of divine worship, nor even in a representative assembly much according to the English notions of such.

But the deputies themselves engage our attention now. They have rather more distinction of physiognomy than their portraits allow them. But they are far from beautiful. The people have not been bribed and corrupted by their looks. Some there are with a certain Holbein-like strength of character, and others with a Van-dykish picturesqueness; but the majority, with their unshaven faces and untidy dress, are very like old German students; and a few, we must say, with their fantastic, absurd costume, very like old fools. Upon the whole it would be difficult, one would think, to select six hundred and eightyfour men out of the middle and higher ranks of society of one of the leading nations of Europe with fewer good looks, or less aristocracy of appearance. The prevalence of the beard is against them. It might be very well for a Venetian senator, with his grand nose and brilliant eye, especially with Titian or Paul Veronese for his portrait painter, to indulge in such an appendage; but the frequent small eye, and broad, thick nose of the Teutonic race, can ill carry it off. The German face cannot afford to do without a chin, of which it is often the best feature. No one should venture to wear a beard who has not great beauty of form or intellect above it to redeem the divinity of the human countenance; without that, he runs the risk of reminding you much more of an animal with the upper part shaven, than of a man with the lower part bearded. More care and neatness, too, are required in the arrangement of such an appurtenance than the Germans are disposed to bestow on any part of their persons. Here and there one well trimmed and delicately kept was to be seen, tenderly caressed from time to time by the owner as he sat, looking very tired with the morning's proceedings; but, generally, they were neglected and untidy, with a mossy, rough look, like an old, over-year bird's-nest.

But we must take a closer survey, for there are men here whom the world has long heard of, or whom it will hear of, and that, perhaps, to its cost. We stumble on the ugliest man in the Assembly first. Who is that deputy on the extreme left, with his small red eyes, upward

nose, backward forehead, and cheeks and chin covered with shaggy, coarse hair, and that red, the exaggeration of all we have just condemned? What a grossness of fat, too, which is worse than his ugliness, and a malignity of expression which is worse than his fat! His face does not belie him. It is Blum, the Leipsig bookseller, deputy from Saxony, the terrorist of the Assembly. He has just rolled down from the tribune through a perfect babel of contrary demonstrations, after a speech in which the total recklessness of his principles is ill-disguised by that sham philanthropy of universal nationality, which, if attempted, would plunge Europe into war, and if successful, would take her back to the darkest ages of mal-government. He is succeeded in the tribune by one as opposite to him in appearance as the hall can well show,—a fine young man, with broad shoulders and open chest. He wears the beard too, but it is fair and fine; his forehead and eyes are splendid, and though the complexion is delicate as that of a woman, the expression is one of the most determined we see here. It is Giskra, one of the Austrian deputies, who headed the insurgent students in the late revolution at Vienna, but who seems since then to have learned wisdom, for he is applauded by the right and hissed by the left, and breasts his own party with a defiant expression as he returns to his seat in the central left. Near to him in the same section are to be seen Mathy from Carlsruhe, and Bassermann from Manheim, men suspected formerly by their respective sovereigns, but courted by them now, and whose names, from the share they have accepted in the ministry of the regent, are likely to become more widely known. Also Jordan, the Prussian deputy, who was liberated in the March days of Berlin, after an imprisonment of fifteen years, for propagating those opinions which have now sent him here. Ruge of Leipsig, too, a shabbilydressed, lanky-haired individual; and Simon of Trèves, a dark, handsome young man, are both prominent speakers on the extreme left; Ruge boring with his long-winded pertinaciousness, and Simon dazzling with his bold paradoxes. And Graf Auerswald in the central left, well known to fame under the name of Anastasius Grün, a tall, slender, aristocraticlooking man, who, when he was offered a chamberlain's key at the court of Vienna, refused it, saying, "What should I do with a key that opens nothing."

But the individual a stranger most cares to see,he whose face you study again and again, as if to try and establish some bond of resemblance between it and the sweet poetry which every musician of note has set and re

set, — Uhland, the sweet lyrist of Germany, is here. His countenance is a puzzling one, for it is difficult to detect any poetry in it at all. He is an ugly, heavy-looking man, very florid, with large, clumsy features; but the forehead is high and smooth, and his long, fine hair, once sandy, now gray, floats picturesquely round his head. In the days when Uhland wrote his best things, all the fire of his patriotism was directed against the common enemy of Germany. It was the war for freedom against Napoleon that his poetry fanned. But he has long been known as an advocate for ultra-reform. In the Wirtemberg chamber, of which he was a member, he was always foremost in the Opposition; and an answer of his there, when called to order by the president, is now universally current here," Herr president, you may ring, but the truth sounds louder than your bell." Of course he sits on the extreme left.

But we must look at the right now: the left has not usurped all the poets. Foremost on the central right, among the seats immediately under the tribune, may be seen an aged individual, whom all regard with interest. It is the venerable Arndt, one of the RhinePrussian deputies, whose beautiful song of das Deutsche Vaterland got him disgrace with his government, and popularity with every singer throughout Germany, and has now sent him as deputy here. deputy here. At all events, whatever imaginary harm his poetry may have done, has been amply redeemed by his salutary influence at Bonn during the late disturbances. To him the Prussian Government were indebted for the orderly conduct of the students of Bonn, who form an honorable and almost solitary exception amongst the list of disaffected German Universities. Close behind this fine old man the gaillard of the Assembly takes his place,-Prince Felix Lichnowsky, a fine, spirited young man, with a kind of dashing eloquence which takes all hearts and corresponds with his handsome face, and hearty, independent bearing. Baron Schmerling, too, is close by, one of the ministry of the central government, a young man of simple, unpretending, English-gentlemanlike appearance. Also General Von Radowitz, with his silent, deep-lined face; and Gervinus of Heidelberg, writing earnestly for his paper. Dahlmann, too, author of the English Revolution,— face of great reflection; and Freiherr Von Fincke, short, apoplectic, and humorous, with little, laughing eyes behind his spectacles, but still stamped with the air of a man of business. Altogether, the right, both central and extreme, have decidedly a more solid and businesslike appearance than the left. They are

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older men too, with better shaped heads, and, though it may seem of no importance in their statesmanlike capacity, with fewer beards. There is one fantastic exception though,—that old man sitting there under the gallery close to the door, looking in the distance like the medal of Leonardi da Vinci in his old age, or the print of that mysterious old man on the cover of Blackwood's Magazine, or a Welch harper got up for effect. The Germans inform you that it is Dr. Jahn, the great turnier professor, or, in other words, the inventor of the art of gymnastics in Germany; though why he goes about in a braided tunic, with a grey beard divided into two points reaching to his waist, and his hair falling down his shoulders, is more than they can say. The men of Freiburg have the honor of being represented by this ridiculous old gentleman.

Perhaps, after all, the most remarkable physiognomy in the Assembly, and the one which attracts the closest and most often renewed attention, is that which is seen in the president's seat. For firmness, thoughtfulness, and benevolence of expression, Baron Gagern's face is, of all those we have been scanning, the one we should most wish to see placed there. It bears a guarantee for order, patience, and sense upon it, or there is no truth in the testimony of human expression, with no beauty, however, of feature, but that of a close, compact, reflective head, with overhanging brows and mild eyes, and one of those chins which govern all around them. His manner, too, is perfectly plain and unpretending, with no dignity, real or assumed, but rather the reverse, especially when he rings his bell for order, and jots it down again emphatically when he finds it makes no impression.

But then he rises, and let the deputies rage ever so furiously together, his manner at once daunts them, and his voice, which is splendid, is heard above them all. If there is a pre

sage of good for Germany to be seen in this whole array of discussional ostentation, it is solely and entirely in the outward bearing of this man. There is a firmness and quiet about him which seems only to proceed from equal consciousness of power and of rectitude. No anxiety, or fuss, or self-importance is visible. He sits there with a placid expression, much like a teacher overlooking his boys, or a master at the head of his workmen, patient and forbearing with their follies and imperfections, because he feels them to be completely within his own control. Not but what we fear Gagern may deceive himself, still more than his expression deceives us. As a speaker, too, he preserves the same character. His words are few and prompt, with a simplicity and clear.

ness which, in German, sounds strange upon the ear. But the Assembly bids fair to work a reform in the German language, if they do in nothing else. The majority of those that mount the tribune express themselves not only with an ease and readiness perfectly surprising in men totally unpractised in the art of public oratory; but many of them speak altogether a new language. There are no longer such heartrending suspenses for the little monosyllable that is to tell you whether a question is to be or not to be. They no longer cram their sentences so unmercifully full before they clap on the lid of the final verb; though, of course, a regular long-winded set still survives, especially among the professors, who wander at will in the labyrinths of pure grammatical construction, and keep you waiting for the end of the sentence till you have forgotton the beginning; while all alike, whether prompt or prosy, ring the regular changes upon those much-abused words of the day, Patriotismus, Einheit, and Nationalität.

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But we must not forget that the Frankfort Parliament admits the fair sex also to its consultations; that is to say, as lookers-on. The ladies occupy the left side of the house, under the gallery; thus showering down their sweet influences, especially upon the Radical party, a partiality one wonders the sticklers for German unity should tolerate. "Das Parlament" is now the great passion with the ladies; and no ball or opera tickets were ever more in request than those which admit them to Paul's" Church, as they unceremoniously clip the saint. Not only the young and the idle, but mothers of families and mistresses of establishments are to be seen there, day after day, taking their seats as regularly as the deputies themselves, till one wonders what becomes of the ménage at home. Germany is indeed revolutionized, and that in her heart's inmost core, when her daughters take to talking politics and forget to knit; for not a stocking in any stage was to be seen in the Assembly. As to their politics, those might be hard to define. Gagern appeared to be a universal favorite with them; "the all-perfectest creation of God," as one very German lady assured us; but otherwise, they seemed to choose their heroes by their looks, as all women should do; and whenever Giskra or Lichnowsky mounted the tribune, though champions of opposite causes, a perceptible flutter ran along their ranks.

In point of beauty, however, the ladies themselves were not calculated to sow dissension among the deputies, or to distract them from intenser thoughts of German unity; and though here and there might be seen a young

and lovely face, with full swimming black eyes, luscious cheeks, straight nose, and small vermilion mouth, yet it had also the neverfailing drawback of that disingenuousness of expression, which invariably marks the daughters of Israel. Even in the small dimpled hand, fit for a painter's study, which hung over the crimson-cushioned edge of the gallery, or was perpetually raised to arrange the folds of black lace which mingled with the blacker hair, there was something which revealed the Hebrew blood.

But if the ladies of Germany have forsaken their kitchens and store-rooms, and left the mice to play in their absence, what have not the deputies themselves done? For after a survey of their physiognomical characteristics, that of their social condition next occurs to us. These men are chiefly taken from the middle and hard-working classes of professional life. The majority of them are doctors, lawyers, professors, clergymen, and shop keepers. What has then become of the cure of soul, and care of patients, the clients, classes, and customers, of every sort and kind whom they have forsaken? How are these cared for during that indefinite period which it will take the Parliament to consolidate the unity of Germany? Or how can five florins a-day, for six months, perhaps, and then never again, compensate to a man for the thousand inconveniences and losses which must accrue to one who leaves the occupation by which he has to live, to say nothing of the separation from wife and children? For those that fill these gay benches are not the families of the deputies; nor would five florins a-day bring them all to Frankfort, or support them when there. In this question, indeed, is comprised both much of the secret of the imperfection of the old régime, and the absolute impossibility of the new one. It is a significant fact, that there is no class of men in Germany who have sufficient leisure or wealth, granting that they have the ability, to be the legislators of the land, in the numbers required for popular government. There are none so removed by their own independence of posi tion from the petty, separate interests of existence, as to be able to take an impartial and general view of all of them. When the novelty, and the vanity, and the enthusiasm which now invest the idea of the Assembly shall have passed away, that is, if this central government survive so long-many a deputy will find out that five florins a-day ill-compensate for loss of time and business; and that Patriotismus, Einheit, and Nationalität, begin at home; and then the Assembly will be chiefly filled by men who, having nothing to risk or lose, will find it the most profitable of

all occupations to be at once the champions | that the former can be maintained only at their and exciters of the people.

There is no doubt that the false principles upon which the noblesse of Germany have been maintained (for we cannot call that by the English word "nobility," which, in reality, is so different), are in great measure answerable for the present state of things, and all its causes and its consequences. The utter absurdity and emptiness of a system which keeps up a body of high-titled aristocracy, unsustained in their leading shoots, and unrelieved of their waste branches by the self-evident law of primogeniture, has been working its evil work in Germany for many generations; and may now be seen in its twofold tendency of everincreasing pride and poverty, exasperating the untitled classes, who, in the progress of society, have become the equals, and often the superiors of the titled, in wealth and education; and separating from them the peasantry of the land by that poverty which, after it had lost the power of oppressing them, had nothing left wherewith to attach them. Real rank, supported in its own person by wealth, influence, and education, can never be odious to a not demoralized people, because it is never ridiculous; but the very number of proverbs current among the lower orders of Germany in derision of the noblesse, significantly show in what estimation they have long been held, while the irony conveyed in the favorite nicknames of "Herr Weissnichts" and "Herr Habenichts"-Mr. Knownothing and Mr. Havenothing sufficiently tells why.

This false system it is which has deprived Germany of that class, formed by the junction of the nobility with those next below them in wealth and intelligence, which in England supplies the body of gentry who can afford to be, and are fit to be the legislators for the people; and it is this also which has placed the German people in that wretched state of isolation (for we cannot call it independence) which their villages and strips of land painfully show, and which has long left them unattached to the higher orders by any tie, and now finds them unamenable to their influence by any persuasion. It is no wonder, then, that in the present sudden upturn of all established systems in Germany a cry for the abolition of the noblesse, their titles and their privileges, as something equally galling and useless to all classes, should have been one of the earliest raised in this Assembly; nor can it surprise any body if it be renewed violently again, for the majority of those who sit here are men who have been justly irritated, not by contrasting the substantial influence of the nobility with their own, but by being taught continually

expense.

Still there are matters, such as the restoration of Posen and the abrogation of the celibacy of the Roman Catholic clergy, to which a hundred wiseacre deputies have bound themselves, &c., &c., more or less absurd and trifling in themselves, and totally so when compared with the great question of German unity under one head, which the Assembly have pledged themselves to solve, and which no deputy would for a moment think of bringing forward, if he had any regard for the opinion of those who are looking on, or any sense of the magnitude of the work which he has undertaken. Before proceeding to redress particular grievances or assist particular nations, these men have to constitute and define the power by which such redress and assistance is to be enforced. How that is to be done seems to be as great a puzzle to the very men that are playing the game, as it can be to any who are spectators of it. Individually, no one deputy seems to have any opinion on the matter; and the innocence with which they acknowledge, when questioned as to the future duties of the regent, and the position of the sovereigns under him, that there lies the difficulty, and that but for them the whole affair might be settled with the greatest ease which is as much as saying that but for the householder they might easily control the house-might be amusing, if it were not so fool-hardily audacious. Collectively, however, they affirm, as a matter of course, that the Assembly will soon have this stumblingblock out of the way, as if it were a mere question of strength which a six-hundred-and eighty-four-deputy power must be sure to accomplish.

No one, however, possessed of his senses, can for a moment believe that the sovereigns of Germany will consent to submit themselves to a system of tutelage which leaves them little more than their titles and their painted boundary-posts, or act in subservience to a prince who has neither the power nor the right to enforce obedience to his behests. Far from applauding the people for their forbearance in not deposing their lawful sovereigns altogether, it appears to us that they have done a more cruel and cowardly thing in keeping them on their thrones, only to degrade them there. Either their rulers, under the present absurd propositions, are left with too little power to govern their own states, or too much to submit to the authority of another. And if the position of the monarchs be thus pitiable and anomalous, that of their subjects, de jure and not de facto, or vice versa (for it is impossible to decide)

will be no less so. The well-affected portion | undertaken to reconcile the one with the other will be puzzled how to act in their double to effect their object. relation to the sovereign in general and the Sovereign in particular, and the disaffected will only obey either alternately as it may suit their lawless purpose. The well-affected will either burn with indignation at the slight put upon those whom they cannot cease to consider as their lawful, and with many, beloved monarchs, or the disaffected will take advantage of the helplessness of the former to insult them, as they have done already, more than any monarchs ought to bear.

In short, whatever view we take of the matter about to be propounded and settled by the Parliament at Frankfort, the elements of rupture and discord are the only things which bear any promise of accomplishment, or can be distinguished at all in the general confusion: subjects bearding their sovereigns; sovereigns, with a portion of their people, struggling against the Parliament; the Parliament divided interminably in itself; and the regent, whose flag it is fondly and foolishly hoped is by some magic to float smoothly over all, himself sinking into the quicksand upon which he has been placed. In other words, United Germany a perfect hell of contending parties. For the nationality of which the Germans speak has, in point of fact, no existence; nor will it be possible, by such a process as has begun at Frankfort, to create the feeling. North and south are just as much opposed as if they derived their descent from hostile stocks; and we defy the chatterers who have

But now it is time we should quit the Assembly, where above a thousand people have been sitting for more than five hours in the month of August, and that without opening a window, and where we have been led into more reflections than we had intended, though reflections which the place and the people too readily suggest. Gagern has just declared in stentorian tones, like a Mentor admonishing a troop of young Telemachuses, "Meine Herrn! if you have the time to speak, I have the patience to sit;" which reasonable reminder has broken up a drowsy discussion, and the deputies are hurrying away to table-d'hôte and cigars, and to bandy about again the weary words Patriotismus, Einheit, and Nationulität, at the top of their voices, and with their mouths full, to a fresh set of auditors, who, in spite of this last unquestionable sign of mortality, seem to look upon them as nothing less than gods, just descended on earth from the councils of Mount Olympus.

Meanwhile it cannot fail that "The State of Germany," dry and unattractive as the topic has seemed, must more and more command the attention of the English public; and that a body of six hundred and eighty-four men, who regularly debate every day from coffee-time till dinner-time, must soon either edify the world with their wisdom, or provoke it with their folly. They have already astonished it with their audacity. - Fraser's Magazine.

ner.

Translated for the Daguerreotype.

CORRESPONDENCE BETWEEN SCHILLER AND KÖRNER.

Erster

Von tained those years, he would not, perhaps, have employed them for such a purpose. After his too early death, there were many who endeavored to gratify the natural desire of the public. Körner, Schiller's most intimate friend, appended a biography to a collective edition of his works; it was, however, but a sketch, and only excited a desire for more minute information. The poet's friend and sisterin-law, Caroline von Wolzogen, sought to supply the blank she furnished a valuable work, but one which could not adequately portray the mental development of the great poet. Hoffmeister and Schwab devoted themselves, not altogether unsuccessfully, to the task; oth er writers supplied explanations of some of the poet's individual productions; letters from

Schiller's Briefwechsel mit Körner.
1784 bis zum Tode Schiller's.
Theil: 1784-1788. Berlin.
[Correspondence between Schiller and Kör-
From 1784, to the death of Schiller.
Part the First: 1784-1788.]
At the death of Schiller, in 1805, the ad-
mirers of the great poet knew but little of his
life. He himself, whose life was all action;
who, as soon as one great work was completed,
immediately directed his powers to another;
had never thought of giving to the world any
information respecting himself, except through
the creations of his mind. He did not attain
to the years in which, to a Goethe, it became
a necessity to speak about himself, and all his
personal experiences; and even if he had at-

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