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those who were for and those who were against improvement, openly appeared on the new Archbishop of Milan taking possession of his see at the beginning of September, 1847. Upon this occasion the armed police were let loose on the people, who had given no other provocation than by singing hymns in praise of Pius IX. That the population of the Lombard and the Venetian provinces was uneasy and dissatisfied could, of course, be no secret. The students of the Universities of both Pavia and Padua had become particular objects of dislike to the Austrian officers, who attacked and murdered them in a cowardly manner. Meanwhile the authorities of every description addressed petitions to the government; from which every government but that of Austria would have taken timely warning. On the contrary, it continued to irritate as well as injure, and took issue with the public on every trifle. The people, by wearing a hat of a singular shape, or a waistcoat of a peculiar cut, by dressing the hair or beard in a certain manner, reduced the police to despair. The moment an edict was published against any remarkable fashion, another was universally adopted. This was no sooner suppressed than a third followed, then a fourth, and so on. These are trifles, no doubt; yet the agreement on both sides, by the nation and the government, not to consider them as trifles, but as symbols of grave import, ought to have opened the eyes of the Austrians, and shown them their true position.

to know him, the satellites of government actually arrested him, and took him prisoner to the Direction of Police. The corporation repaired thither in a body to protest against the conduct of the soldiery and the arrest of their mayor, who was then set at liberty. Casati is now at the head of the provisional government of Lombardy. He was brother to the Countess Confalonieri who died of a broken heart at the condemnation of her husband and the brutal treatment which she herself received from the late Emperor of Austria, on the occasion of her throwing herself at his feet to beg for mercy. On the 3d, not only was a report spread among the soldiers that a conspiracy to murder them had been discovered, but a printed handbill was circulated in addition, of a kind calculated to rouse their worst passions. Our readers are aware of the severity of Austria, as of all despots, against unlicensed printing; the very fact, therefore, of the police of Milan never having even attempted to trace the printing of this document, in order to enforce the law, is of itself sufficient evidence of its origin. To encourage the valor of the troops, six cigars were distributed to each soldier, and an unusual allowance of brandy. In these circumstances, under the double excitement of supposed wrongs and injuries, and of cigars and brandy, the soldiers were permitted to go about in parties of thirty or forty, without officers, insulting and annoying the peaceful citizens. Towards evening these licensed bandits drew their swords, and fell indiscriminately on the unarmed The unanimous feeling of the Milanese was inhabitants who chanced to come in their soon exhibited in a more alarming form. In In this manner they murdered sixty-one persons order to injure the revenue, lottery tickets-six of whom were under eighteen years of age, were no longer bought, and smoking was given up. From the resolution to abstain for a time from this offensive habit, the most deplorable consequences ensued. In detailing these events we shall follow the account drawn up by M. d'Azeglio; knowing him to be a truthful, upright, and honorable man, utterly incapable of stating not only what he does not believe, but what he has not good ground for believing to be strictly correct in every particular.

On the 2d of January, 1848, no one was to be seen smoking in the streets, except either a few persons who were not aware of the determination taken, or the police. The smokers were hissed. Toward evening the soldiers began to insult and ill-use the mob. The mayor of Milan, Casati, who had filled the office for several years and this proves that he was any thing but a dangerous revolutionist, or the government would not have allowed him to have occupied so long a situation of that influence and honor-remonstrated with the soldiers on their violence; whereupon, pretending not

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five more than sixty, and one (a councillor in the Court of Appeal and a particular supporter of the paternal government of Austria) seventyfour years old; forty-two persons received a hundred and thirteen serious wounds. In the list of the wounded are reckoned only those who were taken to the hospitals; of the others we have no account. As a specimen of the manner of proceeding in this business, we shall relate the circumstances attending one or two cases of slaughter. A number of persons pursued by dragoons on horseback, took refuge in a public house, "the Foppa." The dragoons dismounted, left their horses at the door, and twenty-five of them having entered the house, they put to death eight persons, namely, the inn-keeper and his son, one Castelli and his daughter Theresa, seven years old; Swirmer a journeyman; Parro, a tailor; De Lorenzi, a ragman; and Canziani, a porter. They then plundered, ravished, and committed all the excesses that a licentious and unrestrained soldiery were formerly wont to perpetrate in a

fortress taken by storm. As the workmen of a coachmaker of the name of Sala were leaving their factory, forty soldiers issued from a neighboring barrack, attacked them, killed one, and wounded twelve.

Our readers must not understand that because officers were not at hand to check this butchery, they were therefore indifferent to what was going on. By no manner of means. Before the massacre began, orders had been sent to the hospitals to prepare beds for the wounded; a precaution not taken, however, out of kindness to the inhabitants who were about to be cut to pieces; for-and it is a fact which, as d'Azeglio very properly observes, could hardly be believed, except on evidence which leaves no room for doubt-some of the unhappy wretches who were wounded, were taken to prison, where their wounds were left undressed. This brought on mortification, of which two at least are known to have died, whilst others narrowly escaped with

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Of all the Austrian authorities, not one was to be found to repress these disorders. The mayor, Casati, presented himself, accompanied by a large number of respectable inhabitants, to Count Fiquelmont, the nobleman who afterwards for a short time filled Prince Metternich's place and remonstrated against these abominations. Fiquelmont, who had been sent to Milan from Vienna on a special mission to soothe the Italians, told the mayor he had only power to propose arrangements, but not to order them; and the utmost that he and the governor who was present at the interview and wept-could undertake to do, was to go to Radetsky. They learned that he had gone to bed, after having given a banquet to his officers, to celebrate the soldiers' victory. He replied to Fiquelmont and the others "The injured troops cannot be restrained; if the municipal anthorities answer for the tranquillity of the inhabitants, I will keep the soldiers in their barracks for eight days! General Walmoden was the only man of note among the Austrian authorities, who had the honesty to condemn such infamies; and to tell the soldiers that, if they thought themselves justified in asking satisfaction from the Milanese, they ought to have given them alms first, and then fought them fairly, and not have turned assassins.

In any other country, it might have been expected, that the government would have taken measures to prevent such occurrences, and to protect its unarmed citizens from the violence of its troops. Not so in Lombardy. The Emperor was made to sign a letter to the Viceroy of Lombardy, the pith of which admit

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ted of no mistake; "I perceive that there is, in the Lombardo-Venetian kingdom, a faction inclined to upset the political state of the country. I have done all that was necessary for the happiness and satisfaction of my Italian provinces. I am not inclined to do more. ... I rely on the known bravery and fidelity of my army.' This was, in so many words, approving what had happened -threatening worse for the future- and taking away all hope. It is not wise to push a nation to extremities. If Englishmen have a difficulty in understanding how successfully a police may co-operate with a soldiery in provoking a revolution, a fact or two may explain this.

The Austrian police in Italy has acquired a disgraceful notoriety all over Europe. Pellico, Maroncelli, and Andryane,-of whose important work, translated and condensed by the indefatigable M. Prandi, we are happy to see a second edition lately published, have so thoroughly exposed to public indignation the horrors of Austrian prisons and the scandal of their superintendents, that we could scarcely have thought it possible that there was anything left for ingenuity and cruelty to add. But the last moments of this terrible institution offer specimens of its jealousy, injustice, and barbarity, beyond what was hitherto suspected; and of which we challenge the admirers of Austria to find a parallel in the history of any other state. Proof in these cases can seldom be got at: the evidence is carefully destroyed; and would have been so, doubtless, in the two cases which we are about to cite as evidence of the rest, but for the suddenness of the surprise. It has been already mentioned, that the authorities of every grade had joined in calling on the government to adopt measures for alleviating the grievances of which the populations of Lombardy and Venice complained. A gentleman of the name of Nazzari, deputed from the city of Bergamo to the Central government at Milan, had the courage to act as, in his position, the law expressly directed him to act; and he most respectfully petitioned government to take these grievances into consideration. The petition was utterly disregarded. For that, we were prepared; but not for a despatch by the Viceroy of Milan (Dec. 18, 1847), such as has been found among the papers in the public offices at Milan, after the Austrians had been expelled. After giving the most minute instructions to the governor of Lombardy, Baron Spaur, how Baron Nazzari's petition is to be defeated, the Archduke concludes in the following words: "Lastly, with reference to Nazzari's conduct upon this occasion, I think it necessary that he be secretly subjected to

severe surveillance by the police, and you will be pleased to give the requisite orders to the aulic councillor Baron Torresani :"-a Tyrolese by birth, for many years Director-General of Police at Milan.

Now what can be said of a government which requires deputies to be sent to it, especially charged to petition; and which, on the petitions being presented, not merely leaves them unheeded, but submits the person who has been so entrapped, to the severe surveillance by the police? Governments which employ spies for such vile purposes, have been known and execrated before; but we believe there is no instance in the world of the government itself having encouraged its subjects to come forward by asking for information, and then turning round upon them, and treating them as suspected persons for having obeyed its call.

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only was not the protector of the poeple under its sway, but was their greatest enemy; it was their duty not to attempt it rashly, to abide their time and wait till events afforded them a reasonable probability of success. The proclamation of a republic in France hastened the crisis. From the moment that royalty was abolished in France, it was manifest that that country would not allow Austria to hold her Italian provinces on easy terms. expected event of a revolution at Vienna brought the crisis actually to a head. Had the Austrian authorities acted with common prudence and common honesty even at the eleventh hour, Lombardy and Venice might not have been lost to the Austrian family, however inevitable might have been their separation from the rest of the monarchy. But the viceroy had fled and the governor gone away leaving the police and the military beAfter the publication of the letter of the hind, who acted with their usual bad faith and Emperor to the Viceroy, the Austrian police brutality. Shortly before the revolution at at Milan arrested a great number of persons, Vienna, Milan had been placed entirely at the banished several, and obliged others to fly the mercy of the police: and one of the last orcountry. Among the latter was M. Cesare ders sent from Verona by the viceroy (but inCantù, an author well known over Italy by tercepted by the patriots), was an order prohis writings. On reaching the Piedmontese claiming martial law. At the same time two territory, he published a short, but very inter- letters were also intercepted from the Archesting account of the persecutions of which he duke Rainer, the viceroy's son, which are had been the subject for many years. He was worth mentioning, to give an idea of the feelnot aware, however, of a punishment of a ings of the writer. He had been born at Mimost cruel and perhaps unique species, that lan; and, as well as his brothers, would not the government had just inflicted upon him. have failed to lay great stress on this circumAmong the papers in the offices of the police stance, in case their quality of Italians could at Milan, has been found a dispatch by Torre- have been turned to any advantage in claimsani, dated the 26th of December, 1847. It ing Lombardy for themselves. The letters also is addressed to Baron Spaur, and was for- are dated from Verona, the 19th and 20th of warded to the Minister of police at Vienna, March, and are addressed to his brother, the who fully approved of its contents. Torresani Archduke Ernest, for his information and for represented that although Cantù was undoubt that of a third brother, Sigismund, to whom edly disaffected, yet it would be impossible to they were to be forwarded. In the first, prove it; and that the best way of destroying Rainer, after ridiculing all the promises of the him would be to publish in the Allgemeine emperor, and making fun of the national Zeitung an article, of which Torresani enclos- guard (only four hundred) at Verona, adds: ed a sketch in his letter, obscurely hinting that "It is said that the people have been fired Cantù was an Austrian spy, who endeavored upon on the Piazza San Marco at Venice, and to compromise his friends and sell them to five persons killed. No harm. . . Austria. "By this means," ends the worthy post has not arrived yet from Milan. Director of Police, "he will be placed in the thing has happened there, I hope that at least pillory. It is not only the right, it is the five hundred Milanese have been killed on the solemn duty of a nation cursed by a govern- spot." On the 20th the youthful prince proment like this to do its utmost to overturn it. ceeded: " Captain Huyn has just arrived Those who can undertake its defence, after from Milan on his way to Vienna as messenthey know its nature, cannot complain, if they ger. He has seen the harm done to that city are looked upon as its accomplices. up to eleven o'clock on the evening of the 18th. Our twelve-pounders must have made some fine holes in the Broletto. Huyn did not know the conclusion, as F. M. (that is, Field Marshal Radetsky) sent him off when he was certain of victory. ... All the

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At the point to which things had now advanced, the only remaining question was one of expediency and time; that of right was settled. It was the right of the Lombards to free themselves from a government which not

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prisoners were to be shot, not excluding Ca- | sati and the Duke Litta, who are said to be of the number. Martial law was sent yesterday to Milan, and to-day at two o'clock it will be put in force. This is the only way. The Milanese deserve it all. I hope a good number of them have been slaughtered. The soldiers will have shown little moderation: so much the better."

Whilst these letters were inditing, and notwithstanding the flourishing accounts of Captain Huyn, the Milanese had risen, and were successfully fighting with the troops. Our space does not permit of our giving more than a very brief account of that memorable contest. It seems that, on the 18th of March, the news arrived of the events which had occurred at Vienna. The Milanese, left almost without a government, went to the town hall, to ask that the political prisoners should be set at liberty, a national guard armed, and a provisional government chosen, to prevent anarchy. The corporation made ready to wait on the only authority remaining, the vice-governor, O'Donnell; but as the people, unarmed, were on their way to the government palace, the troops fired. The troops were at once disarmed, some killed, and the governor seized and prevailed on to sign an order, granting a civic guard and the reorganization of the police. This order neither Radetsky nor the director of police would obey. More than that; in the evening the military rushed into the town hall, and carried off as prisoners above three hundred persons whom they found there, and who, on the faith of the order of the vice-governor, had gone to enlist as national guards. During the night all who could procure arms did so, whilst others erected barricades. Those who had no fire-arms to defend the barricades with, provided themselves with all sorts of missiles, to throw on the soldiers from the roofs of the houses. The enthusiasm was universal. The military, being masters of the gates, prevented any assistance from coming in to Milan from the country; but they were unable to take the barricades defended by a few men, - not more, it is supposed, than six hundred. Some of these did such execution with their rifles, as deterred the gunners from advancing to fire the guns; as many as seven in succession being picked off, as fast as they were stretching their arm to apply the match to the touch-hole. This passed on Sunday, the 19th of March. The following day the people no longer remained on the defensive, but attacked and carried a number of places held by the troops. On the Tuesday their success gave them bold

ness, as well as more effectual means of offence,-in arms taken from the soldiers whom they had killed or made prisoners. A government was immediately established, and a committee of war; one of whose first acts was to refuse a three days' truce proposed by Radetsky. This was a wise and noble determination; it proved at once that the moral courage of the leaders was equal to the spirit of the people, and the greatness of the occasion. On Wednesday the fight grew more and more desperate, the citizens, protected by the ingenious contrivance of a movable barricade, advanced deliberately towards one of the gates, Porta Tosa, and carried it at length after the most gallant efforts. A communication with the country was now opened. Another gate was seized soon afterwards, and the main body of the soldiers driven from every point into the castle. By this time the issue of the struggle was decided; and at half past two o'clock in the morning of Thursday, the 23d of March, 1848, the Austrian armies withdrew from the city of Milan; into which we are convinced, they will never again enter as masters, happen what else may.

This is a good beginning for Italy, - an achievement of which she may be well proud! -the expulsion, by the unarmed and peaceful citizens, of a comparatively small town, of about sixteen thousand troops, well armed, well disciplined, and well appointed, with everything requisite for war. Where all must have behaved so well, it would be invidious, and most probably unjust, even had we space, to particularize either men or deeds. It was a national movement. The respected and illustrious names that took the lead, both during the contest and afterwards, when the time was come for civil virtues to assume the severe responsibilities for which so much daring valor had only cleared the way, fill us with hope and we rejoice to see that all classes have acted together from the first, with equal patriotism, cordiality, and discretion. The munificent support which has poured in from all quarters, in aid of the financial necessities of the state during its infant fortunes, is another happy omen. In these days, a revolution must be so necessary as to be unavoidable, before it will be backed by those who have anything to lose by it, and therefore anything to give to it. We have here a test. Let all who criticise the revolt in Lombardy consider the numerous offers of hundreds, five hundreds, thousands, nay, several thousands of pounds sterling, made by individuals who have lived hitherto retired, and apparently indifferent to politics; but who now, on find.

ing that they are about to have a country, have come forward zealously in its cause. The number of citizens slaughtered in the streets of Milan exceeds three hundred and fifty, and among them more than thirty women. This is a remarkable proportion, whether owing to the energy with which, we are told, even women threw themselves into the fray, or owing to the savage outrages committed by the Austrians, of which also we have heard. The persons more or less wounded exceeded eight hundred and fifty. We shall not repeat particulars, which will render for ever the name of Radetsky detestable, -because they are too revolting to be repeated; but what can civilized warfare say to the iniquity of carrying off as hostages those whom he had seized by treachery, and afterwards ill treating them, giving such brutal orders as caused one of them, Porro, to be murdered? These gratuitous barbarities are ruinous to Radetsky and his masters. They have made the chasm deeper and wider; and have increased a hundred fold the difficulties of an arrangement, of which none more than the Austrians and Radetsky, if they have but common sense, must see the necessity for their own safety. But Austrian statesmen seem bewildered. After what has passed, we should have supposed that not one of them could dream of it, or ought indeed to wish to reconquer Lombardy and Venice. Of all men living, they should be most aware, first, of the impossibility; and next, that if it were possible, it would be a fatal possession. They seem, however, to be of a different opinion: one of them, Count Hartig, has made himself the object of European ridicule, by publishing a sort of amnesty for the Italians! This is even more preposterous than if Louis Philippe were to propose to grant forgiveness to Lamartine and the other Parisian criminals of Feb. 24, in case only they would reinstate him on his throne. If the Austrians will content themselves with doing what is obviously for their own interests, as well as that of Europe, —that is, if they will concentrate their forces to save what they can out of the wreck of their broken empire, they may reckon on the moral support and sympathy of their ancient friends, and of some, perhaps, who never were their friends before. But they must make up their mind to give up all their Italian provinces "for a consideration." And, as we advise them not to hesitate a day in undergoing this painful operation, on the other hand, we as strongly recommend to the prudence of the Italians not to forget their proverb, "Al nemico che parte fa ponti d'oro." It is the interest of both parties to stop the war,—a war from which not a

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single advantage can accrue to either side, which an immediate arrangement might not secure to them whilst by its prolongation, evil must, and evil only can arise.

We firmly believe that M. Prandi is only repeating the sentiments of every Italian, when he 66 says: The Italians are resolved, if possible, to recover their independence by their own exertions, and in conjunction with their princes; but if they cannot in this manner attain their object, there are no steps which they will hesitate to take, even to the proclamation of a republic, and the hazardous acceptance of the assistance profferred by the French." It is the interest of Austria, as well as of Italy, to settle their differences without the intervention of third parties; to have a strong government and a powerful state on the south of the Alps; and to make every effort to secure the independence of such a government, and consolidate its institutions. We offer this advice to both parties, with the confidence of lookers-on, who certainly are not indifferent to the issue of the contest, but who as certainly are in no wise biased by selfish motives. Lord Palmerston expressed the real feelings of this country on the subject, when on the 6th of June, he said in his place in Parliament, The British Government, though connected by ancient alliances and associations of amity with Austria, cannot but feel the strongest sympathy with the people of Italy, in their efforts to gain a free constitution." We hope and believe that the Italians will trust to the solemn declaration of an English nobleman, invested with a high and responsible office, rather than to wicked and absurd inventions, whether coming from republicans, or from the agents of the enemies of Italy (for Italy has enemies out of Austria), who attribute to England and to her government feelings hostile to Italy. No honest Italian of common sense can for a moment doubt that of the powerful nations in Europe, we alone feel a sincere and disinterested sympathy in the success of the Italians.

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The determination, almost unanimously adopted by the Lombards, by the Venetians, and by the populations of the other provinces which have risen against Austria and Austrian influence-to unite with Piedmont under a constitutional king-is a proof of great political good sense on the part of the inhabitants of those provinces; and one which promises well for Italy in her new career. The attacks heaped on Charles Albert with the view of discrediting him, and thereby preventing this most desirable arrangement, are most of them calumnies. But, even if they were not so, the practical question now is, what is best for Europe, for Austria, and for Italy, under ex

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