as above described. Secondly, the manufacture of imitation brocades, as aforesaid.-[Inrolled in the Inrolment Office, July, 1848.]

TO THOMAS TOPHAM, of Ripley, Derbyshire, manufacturer, for improvements in the manufacture of railway timetables.—[Sealed 25th January, 1848.]

THIS invention relates to improvements in the time-tables or bills, by which the time of arrival or departure of railwaytrains are exhibited.

It has heretofore been usual to have separate time-tables for the trains which run in opposite directions (termed the (6 up-trains" and the "down-trains "); in these tables the names of the stations have been arranged in succession in a vertical column or line, commencing with the name of the terminus at one end of the line from which a train starts (the names of the intermediate stations succeeding in their proper order), and ending with the terminus at the other end of the line; and in the tables for both the up and down trains, the times of the trains have been read in the same direction-from the top to the bottom of the column. Now, according to this invention, one time-table serves for both the up and down trains, and the times of the trains that travel in opposite directions are read in opposite directions, as in the following example :

The chief object of this arrangement is to enable a person, who is travelling on a railway to any particular place, to ascertain, at a glance, the time of the next train by which

he can return :-thus, supposing a person to start from Leicester by the 7h. 55m. morning train, and arrive at Melton at 8h. 40m., then, on referring to the table, he will find that the next return-train starts at 10h. 30m. In the above table the times of the down-trains run from the top to the bottom of the column, and are to be so read; whilst the times of the up-trains run in the opposite direction: hence, by following a horizontal line opposite any station, the times of the whole of the trains arriving at, and departing from that station, will at once be seen. To assist the eye, the figures of the opposite columns may be of different colors (red and black figures are shewn in the specification, but other colors may be used), or other convenient means of distinguishing the down-lines from the up-lines may be resorted to, such as making the columns of different colors instead of the figures, or by using figures of different forms in the opposite columns.* This distinction, by color, or by shape of the figures, is not, however, absolutely necessary; but it greatly facilitates the use of such time-tables. In most cases the patentee prefers to have the times of the down-trains and of the up-trains in alternate columns or lines; but this is not essential, so long as the times are arranged to be read in opposite directions, and on the same surface; for, in place thereof, the columns containing the times of the several down-trains may succeed each other, and the columns containing the times of the up-trains may succeed each other. Although the patentee prefers that the tables should be arranged with the names of places or stations in a vertical column, and the times arranged in horizontal lines, at right angles thereto, this arrangement may be varied, so long as the times of the trains are arranged to be read in opposite directions.

The patentee claims, as his invention, the new manufacture of railway time-tables, above described.-[Inrolled in the Inrolment Office, July, 1848.]

* In the time-table shewn the columns are distinguished from each other by those for the up-trains having two asterisks (* *) at top and bottom.

Scientific Notices.

ON THE INDUSTRIAL ORGANISATION OF FRANCE.

BEING A REPORT OF THE SOCIETY FOR THE ENCOURAGEMENT
OF NATIONAL INDUSTRY.

"Est quadam prodire tenus, si non datur ultra."

HORACE.

THE art of governing mankind must ever be esteemed as the highest attainment of mortals; and from this cause, perhaps, it is that so many bold and enterprising characters, untainted with criminal ambition, which would not scruple "to wade through slaughter to a throne," have staked everything to attain the honor of swaying the destinies of nations. This art, as society ceased to be ruled through terror, or in blind submission, has presented more and more difficulties to its acquirement, inasmuch as the dealing out of justice (which is an essential element in securing obedience in the governed) has gradually become most complex, from the springing up of new and conflicting rights. When, for instance, the law was cognisant of but three classes of protected interests, as common to the people,viz., that of life, landed property, and chattels, there was little difficulty of administering justice to the general satisfaction. New laws were not, therefore, demanded for its nicer adjustment, because what were then in existence were considered ample; yet we never heard, in any age, of the genius of a ruler being more than equal to the circumstances of his time. In fact, when countries were more subject than at present to the will of a single governor, their prosperity rose or fell, in exact proportion to the wisdom or folly of the man in supreme command. Now, if, in the growing complexity of interests, consequent on the advance of civilization, the scales of justice have required more nicely adjusting than heretofore, to ascertain with precision the turning of the balance, and preserve its equilibrium, it would follow that men of superior intelligence (at least in the aggregate) are required, to perform the modern duties of rulers. A casual glance at the subjects discussed in our houses of legislature will shew the variety of information which ministers are expected to possess; whereas, those who have really thought upon the matter, and can appreciate the difficulties of treading the intricate mazes which lead to power, must know the impossibility of any man, occupying a high political position, having found even the opportunity to acquire the knowledge which is so frequently

called for. The ingenuity and skill frequently displayed in debate, and the extensive surface exhibition of collected information, is certainly to be admired; but to be flippant with information, like a quick counsel, crammed for a pending trial, or a student for an approaching examination, is a poor substitute for that well pondered knowledge, which alone is suited for practical application. Yet it is too often the case, that parliament is deluged with the outpourings of unfledged opinions, which have been newly suggested to, or started by, the orators who utter them, and must be abided by for the sake of consistency. Thus is legislation frequently the result of accident or of impulse; and, in silence, we submit (if the grievance is not immediate)—honoring, in our ignorance, the wisdom which guides us, though it be in the direct road to political destruction: for it is too general a creed with the unthinking mass, that office confers wisdom on its possessor. But, it may be replied, in what less erring way, than by the expression of public opinion, are we to select ministers, equal in mental capacity and acquirements to the governing of this great empire? Are we, in this age of science, to sound the human brain by some new arrangement of auscultation apparatus, whereby to ascertain its intellectual strength and vigour of action? We would not wait for the development of such a desirable invention, which may not be readily attainable; but even if we are contented with moderate capacities in our rulers-for superior intellects are rarely to be obtained-there is a certain point to which we can advance in ensuring a government of intelligence; which is, in fact, the only government that can be tolerated, as education becomes more general, and the value of scientific research is more fully appreciated. It is, in our opinion, a duty equal to the greatest intellect, to apply the labors of others to the furtherance of our social advancement, without seeking, by selflabor, to acquire, in the various branches of scientific pursuits, the erudition which is requisite to lay a foundation for a new system of action, or to overturn an old one. This, we are aware, is not the doctrine generally accepted, but we hold, that science and commerce have this analogy,—that without confidence neither will flourish; confidence is, in fact, the great bond in civilized society; and therefore it is that we would have our rulers avail themselves of its benefits when governing mankind. The different qualities of mind requisite for discovering minute facts, and collecting and collating them on the one hand, and for forming therewith a groundwork for future action on the other, should,

long ere this, have indicated the desirableness of separating such dissimilar occupation; but ministers must now, if they have not sufficient rash confidence in their own unassisted judgments, rely upon irresponsible informants, while their only proper advisers are left unregarded; or else they will leave difficult questions, such, for instance, as the organisation of labor, altogether untouched. These are statements which cannot be controverted.

Let us now turn to a country where, in the midst of social convulsions, a government without an element of stability was enabled to obtain the deliberate opinions of qualified men, unbiassed by political influence, upon a subject most vital to the prosperity of the people,—and thus to demolish, by the concurrence of public opinion, the most pernicious scheme that ever was devised for the disruption of social organisation. We need not wish to find a better instance of the utility of a public scientific body than that presented by the "Society for the Encouragement of National Industry," which, during convulsions, was itself unchanged, and was able to effect such service as the annihilation of the schemes of that political mountebank Louis Blanc, who well nigh involved his country in irretrievable anarchy. We have here then, from this society's exposition of French industry, a proof of the utility of combining diligent scientific inquiry with political action;-of the advantage to a nation of a society composed of thinking erudite men, on whom the government might rely for wisely directing their councils, and influencing the people to their decisions; and this without the diminution of that utility of a less public character, to which the whole inventive community of France can bear ample witness. Surely it cannot be long before England will prefer the thoughtful deductions from scientific principles to the glib subtlety on which cabinet ministers have now to rely for the reasons which dictate their actions in regulating the commercial condition of the country. If then we gain but the assurance of a national advantage accruing from the connection of scientific bodies with the imperial government, as succours for conveying intellectual sap to the main stem, we shall not have noticed the merits of the "Society for the Encouragement of National Industry" in vain; but, from the general ability of its committees, we doubt not some information towards the organisation of labor in our own country may be gained from the following result of the inquiry that was instituted by order of the French government:

In 1802, some enlightened citizens, who had the welfare of the people at heart, established the Society for the Encouragement