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jealousy of a free people ought to be coNSTANTLY' awake; since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of republican government. But that jealousy, to be useful, must be impartial; else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided. instead of a defence against it. Excessive partiality for one foreign nation, and excessive dislike of another, cause those whom they actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to veil and even second the arts of influence on the other. Real patriots, who may resist the intrigues of the favourite, are liable to become suspected and odious; while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people, to surrender their interests. . The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations, is, in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connexion as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let then be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop. ... .

Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns. Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves, by artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities. Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course. If we remain one people, under an efficient government, the period is not far off, when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality, we may at any time resolve upon, to be scrupulously respected; when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when

we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guid. ed by justice, shall counsel.

Wby forego the advantages of so peculiar a situation? Why quit our own to stand upon foreign ground? Why, by interweaving our destiny with that of any part of Europe, entangle our peace and prosperity in the toils of European ambition, rivalship, interest, humour or caprice.

It is our true policy to steer clear of permanent - alliances, with any portion of the foreign world; so

far. I mean, as we are now at liberty to do it; for let me not be understood as capable of patronizing infidelity to existing engagements. I hold the maxim no less applicable to public than to private affairs, that honesty is always the best policy. I repeat it, therefore, let those engagements be observed in their genuine sense. But in my opinion, it is unnecessary, and would be unwise to extend them.

Taking care always to keep ourselves, by suitable establishments, in a respectable defensive posture, we may safely trust to temporary alliances for extraordinary emergencies,

Harmony and a liberal intercourse with all nations, are recommended by policy, humanity and interest. But even our commercial policy should hold an equal and impartial hand; neither seeking nor granting exclusive favours or preferences; consulting the natural course of things; diffusing and diversifying by gentle means the streams of commerce, but forcing nothing: establishing, with powers so disposed, in order to give trade a stable course, to define the rights of our merchants, and to enable the government to support them; conventional rules of intercourse, the best that present circumstances and mutual opinion will permit, but temporary, and liable to be from time to time abandoned or varied, as experience and circumstances shall dictate; constantly keeping in view, that it is folly in one nation to look for disinterested favours from another; that

it must pay with a portion of its independence for whatever it may accept under that character; that by such acceptance, it may place itself in the condition of having given equivalents for nominal favours, and yet of being reproached with ingratitude for not giving more. There can be no greater error than to expect, or calculate upon real favours from nation to nation. It is an illusion which experience must cure, which a just pride ought to discard.

In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope they will make the strong and lasting impression I could wish; that they will control the usual current of the passions or prevent our nation from running the course which has hitherto marked the destiny of nations! but, if I may even flatter myself, that they may be productive of some partial benefit, some occasional good: that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit; to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrige; to guard against the impostures of preten:led patriotism; this hope will be a full recompense for the solicitude for your , welfare, by which they have been dictated. : How far, in the discharge of iny official duties,

I have been guided by the principles which have been delineated, the public records and other evidences of my conduct must witness to you and to the world. To myself, the assiirance of my own conscience is, that I have, at least, believed myself to be guided by them.

In relation to the still subsisting war in Europe, my proclamation of the 22d of April, 1793, is the index to my plan. Sanctioned by your approving voice, and by that of your representatives in both houses of congress, the spirit of that measure has continually governed me, uninfluenced by any attempts to deter or divert me from it.

After deliberate examination, with the aid of the best lights I could obtain, I was well satisfied that

our country, under all the circumstances of the case, had a right to take, and was bound in duty and interest, to take a neutral position. Having taken it, I determined, as far as should depend upon me, to maintain it with moderation, perseverance and firmness. The considerations which respect the right to hold this conduct, it is not necessary on this occasion to detail. I will only observe, that according to my understanding of the matter, that right, so far from being denied by any of the belligeent powers, has been virtually admitted by all.

The duty of holding a neutral conduct may be inferred without any thing more, from the obligawon which justice and humanity impose on every nation, in cases in which it is free to act, to maintain in violate the relations of peace and amity towards other nations...

The inducements of interest for observing that conduct will be best referred to your own reflections and experience. With me a predominant motive has been, to endeavour to gain time to our country to settle and mature its yet recent institutions, and to progress, without interruption, to that degree of strength and consistency, which is necessary to give it, humanly speaking, the command of its own fortunes.

Though, in reviewing the incidents of my administration, I am unconscious of intentional error, I am nevertheless too sensible of my defects, not to think it probable that I may liave committed inany errors. Whatever they may be, I fervently beseech the Almighty to avert or mitigate the evils to which they inay tend. I shall also carry with me the hope that my country will never cease to view them with indulgence; and that, after forty-five years of my life dedicated to its service, with an upright zeal, the faults of incompetent abilities will be consigned to oblivi. on, as myself must soon be to the mansions of rest.

Relying on its kindness in this as in other things,

and actuated by that fervent love towards it, which is so natural to a man, who views it in the native soil of himself and his progenitors for several generations, I anticipate with pleasing expectation that retreat, in which I promise myself to realize, without alloy, the sweet enjoyment of partaking in the midst of my fellow-citizens, the benign influence of good laws under a free government; the ever favorite object of my heart, and the happy reward, as I brust, of our mutual cares, labours, and dangers.

G. WASHINGTON.
United States, 17th Sept. 1796.

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ADVERTISEMENT. The compiler has given, in the present edition, several original biographical sketches, written by some of the most eminent men in our country; and he deems it proper to state, that since the present edition has been put to press, he has received other original sketches, which will be reserved for the third edition, to be comprised in an octavo volume, and to contain between four and five hundred pages. The very flattering encouragement already received for the third edition, would justify the Editor in putting it to press immediately; but having promised gentlemen in various parts of the Union, to delay it to enable them to collect and prepare sketches of our deceased heroes, sages, and statesmen, of the revolution, it will not be put to press until early next spring. '

The compiler tenders his sincere thanks to those gentlemen who have so liberally patronised the work, and who furnished materials for it, and we may with confidence assert, that as Americans, we hail with delight any attempt to rescue from ol:livion the words or actions of those whose names we have been taught to revere."

Easton, Pennsylvania, August 12, 1823.

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