on the subject of tax-gatherers in Ireland, it | Irishman representing nothing Irish. He had ought to be recollected that before the Union escaped from an Irish county into an English the debt of Ireland was only sixteen millions. rotten borough; and the hou, Gentleman venDid the hon. Gentleman know that no country tured to compare himself with him (Mr. was at that time so lightly taxed as Ireland? O'Connell), an independent representative of He knew perfectly why the hon. Member had the Irish people, freely chosen! This was the addressed him in the manner in which he had rancour of a little mind; the ebullition of a done. But what was the hon. Gentleman's low nature, envying what it did not, and could superiority over him? Could he point out not, possess. His constituents might have one single benefit which he had couferred selected an abler representative, but they upon Ireland? The hon. Gentleman had al- could not select one less liable to be intimiluded to the occurrences on Lord Fitzwilliam's dated. He would do that duty to his country estate. He (Mr. O'Connell) had never said which it deserved at his hauds. It had been that 800 families had been expelled from the well said by the Lord Chief Justice of Irenoble Lord's estates. Eight hundred persons land, by Lord Plunkett, that Ireland never was his expression. The hon. Member had wrung anything from England but as if it read a letter, couched in exceedingly improper were drops of her heart's blood. With referterms from Mr. Chaloner. He would say ence to another hon. Gentleman, he would nothing about the courtesy of that letter; but merely observe, that the glorious Brownlow he would say, that the hon. Gentleman should of 1782, on whose tomb was inscribed that he have done him the justice to say that it was found Ireland a province, and left it an inde800 persons. He repeated, that he had never pendent nation, could be eclipsed only by a said 800 families. He had never been repre- Brownlow of 1831, who should vote with him sented to have said so in any of the news- (Mr. O'Connell) for a repeal of the Union. papers. He repeated, however, that 800 For himself, having been born in an indepenpersons were so driven out; and he had that dent nation, he trusted that he should die in day received documents to prove it. On one one. farm alone, 60 families had received notice to quit on the 1st of May. When he mentioned these discharges, he was speaking of the subletting; and the persons discharged were

DISTRESS.

After this, LITTLETON, a Member for Staffordshire, made a charge of misunder-tenants. His assertion, therefore, was representation against Mr. O'CONNELL, completely borne out by the fact. Did hon. which the latter manfully repelled. Mr. Gentlemen think that by assailing him in this PORTMAN next came with anxious inmanner, they could put him down? In the neighbourhood of Newry the majority might quiries whether the Ministers had ready perhaps not be favourable to the repeal of the any measure of relief for the distress Union; but he knew that three of the pro- of the people. Several members pressvinces were decidedly favourable to the re-ed this point, and called for inquiry. peal; he knew also that many of the influen- PEEL said he was ready to do any thing; tial persons in Newry were favourable to it; and he knew that an attempt to get up a but thought country gentlemen more petition in favour of the Union at Belfast had able to suggest. His speech, and that failed. He was not acquainted with the con of Knatchbull and that of Briscoe, stituents of the hon. Gentleman, but he understood that they were a pugnacious race, upon this subject, are really piquant! When the Catholics in former days surren-WROTTESLEY, Member for Staffordshire dered their arms to them, under the promise and a banker, had called for vigorous of protection, that protection they did not re measures; others for reduction of taxa, ceive; but he would go no farther on that subtion. ¿ject; it was a feud which he wished over. 1 An hon. Member had called his (Mr. O'Connell's) constituents a mob. Nothing could be more untrue. Never had any assertion been made by human being, the most miserably degraded in character, that was so untrue. He felt himself in all respects superior to the hon, Member. He (Mr. O'Connell) had had the representation of three counties in Ireland offered to him. That if he had chosen be might have been returned for any of those {counties was obvious, as they had all returned candidates standing on the same interest. How, then, could the hon. Gentleman who had been turned out of the county which he had represented, compare himself with him? He (Mr. O'Connell) was an Irishman representing Ireland. The hon. Gentleman was an

Sir ROBERT PEEL said, it was extremely difficult at one and the same time to enforce the strictest economy and exercise the energy [that should belong to the governing power in any state. Infantry and cavalry were to be disbanded, scarcely a soldier was to be allowed in aid of the civil power, Government were compelled to dismiss the yeomanry; and when disturbances arose, they were told that they ought not to leave them to be suppressed by the constables, but ought instantly to crush them with a strong hand. (Hear, hear.) He would call upon the hon. Member for Kent to say, if his Majesty's Government had not donewall, under the circumstances, which could be expected of them for the suppression of those disturbances? He had further to

1

state, that though at a great public inconve-tertained not the least doubt that the labouring nience, and to the neglect of other pressing poor of the district were perfectly innocent of matters, the Secretary for the Treasury was those offences. at the present moment at Maidstone, endea. vouring to trace the causes of that extraor- The rest of the proceedings of this dinary mystery which had, up to the present day were wholly without interest. But moment, eluded their most careful investiga there is something in these three tion; there were also at Maidstone every police speeches quite marvellous. Here is one officer who, in the present state of the metropolis, could be spared. To this he had to add, of two things; insincerity indescribable, that he had authorised the Lord Lieutenant of or credulity passing that of childhood! the county to call out and embody the geo- What! the fires not kindled by those manry, rather than resort to the regular mili- who have demanded and enforced a tary force. It would be a gross error to suppose that the disturbance in a neighbouring county rise of wages! Those fires kindled by was local. Its object, he could have no doubt, strangers to the places where they have was general, the fires, constituting its overt taken place! They see the labourers acts, were neither executed by the hands, nor devised by the heads, of the peasantry of the go in a body and threaten an overseer county of Kent; no suspicion attached to the or a farmer; they hear their execrations resident population, the whole of the matter, on these parties; and when in a few whatever might be its origin, was devised by hours afterwards, they see offensive other heads than theirs, and proceeded upon parties' stacks on fire, they ascribe the principles, not local, but general. Though, up to the present moment, no detection had taken fire to some one who has no connecplace; but he did hope that the time was at tion with the county! This is really more hand when not only the hands by which the ridiculous and contemptible than the offences were committed, but, what was infi- conduct of the wittol, who still believed nitely more important, the heads by which they were devised, would be brought to condign in the fidelity of his wife, though he punishment. saw the paramour with her between the Sir EDWARD KNATCHBULL bore testimony sheets! But why, then, good Knatchto the fact, that Government had given imme-bull; why, then, good Briscoe; why diate assistance on being applied to, and he had much satisfaction in being able to state, raise the wages? If the labourers do not that in the eastern part of the county, the kindle the fires, and are “full of attachefforts for the suppression of disturbance had ment to their employers," why raise the not been altogether unsuccessful; and in the wages? Is it because it is just to do it? eastern part of the county he had the means of knowing that many of the inhabitants had A very good reason; but how comes it used great exertion to discover the causes of not to have been thought of before? the disturbance, and to put an end to it. How comes it to have been just as soon Similar exertions had, he had learned also, as those fires began to blaze? Enough, been used in other parts of the county, for the

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to alter the poor-laws, so as to make them what they were forty years ago, he is wise; but if any thing on the MALTHUSIAN principle be in his eye, he will create a flame indeed! If SCARLETT's or SLANEY'S Bill had been passed, or NOLAN's, the affair would have been settled long and long ago. STURGES BOURNE'S Bills have been the greatest immediate causes of the present effects. If Lord TEYNHAM would but read "POOR MAN'S FRIEND," he will

same purpose; but the cone of those enough! If Lord› TEYNHAM propose exertions was more than be expected from individuals, if public measures were not resorted to for the restoration of peace and tranquillity, From every inquiry that he was enabled to make, he could declare that the conflagrations in the county of Kent were not caused by the peasantry of the land. He was persuaded that the peasantry were actuated by a very different feeling from that which in fluenced the authors of those outrages; the peasantry were, he was assured, full of attachment to their employers, and the least likely in the world to commit acts of that diabolical character. Another consideration led him to acquit the peasantry of Kent; they were not so ignorant as not to be aware that those burn-attempt no hardening of the poorings would prove most injurious to their own interest, even destroying the very means of

their own subsistence.

Mr. BRISCOE regretted that the spirit which prevailed in the county of Kent had spread itself to two parishes in the county which he had the honour to represent (Surrey). He en

laws. Better repeal all the laws on the subject that have been passed within the last forty years.

HOUSE OF LORDS.-Nov. 11. Some conversation of little moment, and leading to no motion, about the Lord Mayor's-day affair.

STATE OF THE LABOURERS. Lord WINCHILSEA brought in a bill for the purpose of finding employment for the labourers; but of the details of which an account will, of course, come hereafter.

individual well acquainted with the circumstances, in which it was stated that the farmlings a-week, although they could not pay it, ers had been forced to promise fifteen shil and he was ready to produce that individual at the bar if required to do so.

The Duke of WELLINGTON assured the noble Lords who pressed this matter upon the attention of Government, that the Govern The real truth was, that the administration of the poor-laws was so various in different places, that it was impossible to find out where the evil lay, or to prepare any one measure which would apply to all, for what would an

ment had not been inattentive to the subject.

A noble Duke had said, that the Ministers knew nothing about the administration of the poorlaws; and it was true that they could not well know how they were administered in every parish, when the modes of administration were so exceedingly varions. But the variety of these modes proved how very difficult it must be to find out a general remedy. He agreed in what had been stated respecting the consequences of the resort of the superabundant unemployed Irish to this country; but there again it was extremely difficult to find a remedy. The noble Lord opposite (Suffield) had himself suggested two remedies, or plans, which he thought would be attended with advantage in Norfolk; but it did not follow that what would be a beneficial plan in Norfolk would answer in Kent and Sussex. The Government, however, felt every disposition to do all that lay in its power to remedy the evils which had been the subject of so much complaint.

Lord TEYNHAM said, that the noble Lord had stated that taxation had had no influence on the poor-laws; he thought quite different-swer in one place would not answer in another. ly. It was since the American war, when taxation had increased so much, that the condition of the agricultural labourer was de teriorated, and he conceived that deterioration had been mainly caused by two measures of finance. These two measures were the duties on hops and the duties on malt, which had prevented the poor man from brewing his own beer, and driven him from his cottage. When he had ceased to be a brewer he had ceased also to be a baker, and then had to go to the shop and the ale-house for all his food and drink. He had heard that the farmers around Battle, and that the farmers in several parts of Kent, had agreed to give their labourers fifteen shillings a week. They had met and resolved to do this in consequence of iutimidation. He doubted the efficacy of the noble Earl's bill, and would recommend the Government to come to the help of the poor-laws. It was a cruel thing that the property in land was so excessively burdened; and he would also recommend that the Government should tax funded property to support the poor. He was, on the whole, glad to see their Lordships disposed to take the poor-laws into consider ation, as he was sure, that unless that were doue, the agricultural districts would be

ruined.

Thus, then, the real struggle is fairly begun. The labourers say we will live; the farmers say, we have not the means to give you; the labourers reply, Go, then, to the lords and parsons and get the means. Take the following from The Duke of RICHMOND rose, not to discuss the BRIGHTON GAZETTE of the 9th inthe bill of his honourable Friend, because he stant. "In one of the eastern villages had not yet heard it read, but to deny the "of this county a vestry meeting was statement of the noble Lord who had just held in the church after divine service, taken his seat. The noble Lord was not authorised to make that statement, as he was sure that he could not prove it. He did not deny that the farmers of Kent and Sussex might have agreed to raise the wages of their labourers, but he denied that they had done so from the motive of intimidation. The farmers of Kent and Sussex were not accessible to such motives, aud he hoped the noble Lord would give them credit for nobler motives.

Lord TRYNHAM took all that the noble Duke

had said in good part, as he was sure that the noble Duke could never mean to say any

"when all the principal inhabitants being present, it was determined to "call in the labourers, of whom more

than one hundred were assembled in "the church-yard, and remonstrate "with them. This was done. They

were asked what they sought. An (said the farmers) you know, from "increase of wages was the reply. But "the price of corn and the amount of rates, that we cannot afford to give

thing that was not Parliamentary. But still
he must persist in the opinion which he had " more.

counties had raised their wages, not out of 66

the great ones must do it. Comply Then (rejoined the labourers)

given, which was, that the yeomanry of these choice, but compulsion. He had received a (they added) with our demand, and letter to that effect from a most respectable" we will stand by you; refuse, and

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there are one hundred men ready to "join us at a moment's notice. And "this occurred in a place where, twenty four hours before, no man suspected "the existence of the slightest discon"tent." Mark, "the great ones must "do it!" The KENT HERALD has, upon this subject, the following printed remarks: "The aristocracy are in fact "defending themselves from the de"mand for reduction of rents, defend"ing themselves from the duty of assisting to procure the abolition of "tithes held by themselves or their "friends, and in obtaining such a reform of our whole corrupt political system as can alone place things on a "basis permanently secure. We know "how ready these haughty aristocrats, "and the priests in their service, will "be to raise the old clamour of revolutionary doctrines and inflammatory designs against all who dare to propose a liberal mode of meeting the present crisis." Thus, then, the matter is well understood, at last. As I have a thousand times said, SOMETHING MUST GIVE WAY: the system must yield in one part or another: the MILLIONS are resolved to live; the HUNDREDS OF THOUSANDS must make common cause with them; and the true dispute lies between the aristocracy and the fundholders. See, in last Register, the account of the labourers making the parson promise to lower his tithes! This is making common cause! It is impossible not to see, that the labourers were urged to this by the farmers! Here, here is the real pith of the subject. Long and long ago I told the farmers, that, at last, they must make common cause with the labourers.

heard the speech of the noble Lord could avoid receiving the impression, that its expressions people; and aggravate the difficulties in which were calculated to inflame the minds of the the farmers were placed with respect to their labourers. He was one of those who thought the agricultural labourers of this country were was quite certain that no course could be not adequately paid for their services; but he adopted more prejudicial to their interests, and the interests of their masters, than by making declarations in that House, or in either House, which would lead the labourers to believe that their objects could be effected by intimidating their masters. It was because the people of Kent and Sussex were, unhappily, in a state of excitement, that be thought between the labourer and the farmer; for it nothing should be done to widen the breach could not be too often repeated, or too widely disseminated, that the interests of the farmer, the landlord, and the labourer, were one and the same. (Hear, hear.)

Duke for the opportunity he had given him of Lord TEYNHAM was obliged to the noble explaining the meaning of what had fallen from him on a former evening. It was very violence. The meaning of what he said was far from his intention to excite the people to this, that in consequence of what had happened in Sussex and elsewhere, the farmers had felt it to be right to raise the rate of wages; but he was at the same time fully prepared to admit that it was necessary to put down every attempt at intimidation, and that the labourers must not be led to expect that they can obtain any increased rate of remuneration for their services without the full conformer ocaasion was merely this-that the sent of their employers. What he said on the labourers had demanded a higher rate of wages, and that the farmers thought it prudent to comply.

the language of the noble Duke (Richmond) The Marquess CAMDEN was happy to hear with relation to the attempts of the labourers against their employers. He thought the declarations on that subject would do good, and that it was highly necessary the labourers was not approved of either by the Parliament should know that any attempt at intimidation or the country at large. He hoped, indeed, that the opinions of Parliament on this subject would go forth to the country, and that it ! would be understood both in Kent and else

Sub-where, that no man of either House approved the wages of the labourer under such circumof such a system. Any undertaking to raise stances must fail, because the amount was much greater than the farmer at present could afford to pay.

HOUSE OF COMMONS. A long debate about the Irish" letting Act," for the repeal of which Mr. O'CONNELL moved, but which motion was lost by a majority of 150 against 24.

HOUSE OF LORDS.-Nov. 12.

BURNINGS.

The Duke of RICHMOND (alluding to what Lord Teynham had said the night before), said that he was sorry to say, that no man who

The Earl of DARNLEY said the disturbances in Kent could not have arisen from the lowness of the rate of wages, as it was a singular fact that the wages of labour were higher in the disturbed district than in any other place of the South. He believed the disturbances did not arise from an inadequate rate of wages,

of occasioned it. and the want employment. Throughout pouses which sccus upon a remedy for the that part of Kent the wages of an able-bodied Mr. LARKIN contended, that the present man were two shillings a-day; and if the force, if properly applied, was sufficient for farmers were disposed to give, as he under-the preservation of the peace against open stood some of them had agreed to give, two shillings and sixpence, then in his opinion the distress would be increased; because the farmer could not afford to employ so many labourers at two shillings and sixpence as he had formerly employed at two shillings,,.

ine

recurrence.

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riots; and that cavalry could not guard against the midnight incendiary. He thought that, in all probability, an event would take place in a few days, which by restoring the public peace, would obviate the necessity for any additional force, namely, the retirement of his Majesty's Ministers; and that, as a corrupt representa One would hardly think it possiblestion was the cause of most of the evils that that these men should have talked affliet this country, so a reform in Parhament thus! As to the facts, look at the could alone remove them, and prevent their of proceedings of the labourers.-But, now Mr. NEWSON strongly objected to the relet us hear the farmers themselves, in establishment of the Yeomanry Cavalry, partheir meeting at Rochester, last week, ticularly upon the recommendation of those having been called together by the Ministers whose misconduct alone had made uny magistrates to consider of the propriety but recollect, that upon the only occasion of additional force at all questionable. He could of calling out the yeomanry troops, to the employment of that force, namely, the keep the labourers in awe. LORD massacre of Manchester, it had acted in a CLIFTON, son of Lord Darnley, was the manner which must ever remain as a stain upon the character of Englishmen. (elp 120,P spokesman for the aristocracy. The meeting then, upon the motion of Mr. BENTLEY, unanimously passed a resolution, That, at the present alarming crisis, it is the duty of the landowners and clergy, by a liberal abatement of rent and tithes, to assist the farmers in bearing those additional burdens which the peculiar circumstances of the times necessarily impose upon them.'"*

ง

"Lord CLIFTON addressed the farmers at considerable length upon the expediency of reembodying the Yeomanry Cavalry, in consequence of the present disturbed states of the county. His Lordship stated, that the wish of Ministers had been intimated to the Lord Lieu tenant that this force should be revived. He dwelt much upon the constitutional nature of There they are, then! The farmers that force+the loyalty and zeal which had and tradesmen referring the labourers always distinguished the men of Kent and to the Lords and Parsons. There they hoped that, upon the present occasion, similar are, doing what I have always recom feelings would be manifested. Mr. BENTLEY observed, that the re-estab-mended, what I recommended at this very lishment of this corps was, undoubtedly, a town of proper subject of consideration; but the Yeo-tober i manry required that, previously to entering of the middle class making common upon that topic, some explanation should be afforded them as to whether the principal cause with the labourers. This cannot landowners and clergy, who were parties most be resisted for any length of time! materially interested, would contribute, by a liberal abatement of rent and tithes, towards alleviating the burdens that now pressed heavily upon the farmers-and which, it was evident, would be considerably increased by the proceedings which now agitate the county and be asked his Lordship whether he would sanction a resolution to the effect that such assistance was expedient?

"To this proposition his Lordship replied, that, standing there as an individual, he must decline pledging himself to any Resolution of that nature; he conceived that it was not connected with the question of raising the manry corps. The law had regulated the proportion of public burdens to be paid by different parties, and if any disproportion ex isted, it was a subject for the interference of the Legislature; and that, in his opinion, it was the duty of every liege subject to come forward in support of the state, upou every disturbance, without first inquiring into the

HOUSE OF COMMONS.

NEWSPAPERS.

Lord MORPETH presented a petitions from t the inhabitants of Manchester, praying for the abolition, or considerable reduction, of the Duly * on Newspaper Stamps and Duties. At present those stamps and duties constituted two thris of the entire cost of the article in quest tion. The consequence was, that it was monopolised by a few persons, whỏ thereby acquired great power of misrepresentation. To reduce the duties would increase the revenue, in consequence of the much greater number of newspapers that it would cause to be circulated ; and at the same time it would a give great increased employment to paper-makers, printers, session Member for loves hers. His hon, Friend, the his intention of making a motion on this subjest. He begged to ask him if he aneant tot make such a motion in the present session ?ris