if reform do not take place; and, | pensioned and bribed slaves. It is high therefore, in some way or other, reform time that the people knew the truth; must come and will come ! AND, WILL THE ARISTOCRACY NOW GIVE WAY? Never, in this whole world, was there before stated so momentous a question as that! If they yield now, all will be well with them, with us, and with the fame of our country if they do not yield, and yield now too, be the consequences on their own heads. As to the Reformers, and myself amongst the rest, we shall have nothing wherewith to reproach ourselves. We have humbly and loyally petitioned, and we, for our humility, have been rewarded with chains, with dungeons, with exile, with ruin, and some with wounds or with death. Our prayers have been scorned, and we have been treated like outcasts. We have had no hand in bringing those evils upon our country; and we are now ready to assist in preventing the natural result of the measures of which we have so long and so justly, and with voice so prophetic, complained. HISTORY OF ENGLAND. On the 1st of September I shall publish No. I. of The History of the Life and Reign of GEORGE IV. When that is done, I shall go back to the earliest times, and publish, in similar Numbers, on the 1st of every month, a COMPLETE HISTORY OF ENGLAND. A true one; not a romance. The History of GEORGE IV. will be the end, of course, unless I should outlive another King. I begin with this last reign, because we want it, and particularly the history of our poor, unfortunate, and excellent friend, QUEEN CAROLINE, who, by her known hatred of corruption, gave the borough-villains a better blow than they had had for many, many years. They have, in fact, never been their own men" since. These incomparable villains (for what is equal to their villany) shall have their due, their full due, in my history, which shall show how they got their possessions; and enable the nation to judge of the right that they have to keep them, Our histories are romances, written by high time that they saw the degradation into which they have fallen, and the causes of it. This task was reserved for me; and, God giving me life and health, I will perform it. The Numbers will come out monthly, price 8d., as low as I can sell it, with any thing like compensation to myself; and I do this, because I wish people in even low circumstances to read it. VOL. 70.-No. 5.] LONDON, SATURDAY, JULY 31ST, 1830, "Show up the beroes, one by one." ΤΟ LEGION CLUB. You cannot look at the present state of things, without seeing that a change of some sort, and a great change, is at hand. Years cannot now pass without some great and important alteration. Endless are the signs of this; but amongst all these signs, none is more striking than that which, the other day, appeared at the FREEMASONS' TAVERN, a full account of which I am now about to give you. It was reporthed in so slovenly and villanous a manner by the reporthers (of whom I shall, another time, speak at large), that the report, which I shall presently insert, will need a great deal of explanation and commentary. This was a meeting for the purpose of forming a SOCIETY FOR EFFECTING A PARLIAMENTARY REFORM. MONCK, late member for Reading, was in the chair; HUME, HOBHOUSE, and, at last, BURDETT, were there, and took a part in the proceedings. These proceedings, even as recorded in this report, are deeply interesting; but they call for a commentary of considerable length. I beg you to read all the report with great care, and to pay particular attention to the passages marked by italic characters; and then to bestow your attention on the observations that I shall [Price 7 d. subjoin. The matter is as important, all the circumstances considered, as any that has come before us for a long time. Pray read the whole with attention, and pause in every part of it. This affair serves to explain other affairs; and, all together, the times are full of interest. It is only by paying great attention to these appearances that we can correctly judge of what is likely to happen, and of what we ourselves ought to do. REFORM MEETING. A Meeting of the Society for the Promotion of Reform in Parliament was held at the Free masons' Tavern on the 16th instant. About half-past one o'clock nearly two hundred per sons had assembled, and the call to take the chair became loud and general. Shortly afterwards Mr. Monck, M. P., accompanied by Messrs. Hume, Hobhouse, Colonel Jones, and several other Gentlemen, entered the room. before, and as he walked up to the table was Mr. Henry Hunt had arrived a few minutes loudly cheered. Mr. Hobhouse was not received in the same cordial manner; he was cheered by many, but some cried out," Hobhouse and Select Vestries"; and this allusion to Mr. Hobhouse's recent Parliamentary effort was received in a way not very flattering to that gentleman. In the course of the day there were at least three hundred person's present. Col. JONES moved that Mr. Monck should take the chair, and the resolution was at once carried by acclamation. Mr. MONCK said, that as it had pleased the meeting to call him to the chair, he should and he only regretted that they had not fixed obey their call willingly, readily, and heartily, on some one whose talents could be of more service to them than his. However, though his powers were but humble, he could assure fully in support of the cause for which that the meeting they should be exerted most cheermeeting had been called; and in the particular duty which he was now desired to undertake, he promised them that they should at hear). The object for which they had been least find him an impartial Chairman (hear, assembled was to forward the cause of reform; a cause on which, as much had been both spoken and written, much difference of opiof opinion which related chiefly to details nion existed. He trusted that that difference would not be suffered to interrupt their harmony; and that because a man admitted only one of the great principles without which other persons might think no reform could be effectual, he would not be treated as an enemy to reform; while, on the other hand, no man should be censured as a visionary or a F Mr. HOBHOUSE rose to move the first resolution. The meeting had heard from their honourable Chairman the reasons for calling them together at this important crisis; and they had heard from him something about the state of our representative system. The greatest evils were inflicted on this country in consequence of the gross corruption which pervaded almost every part of that system. The right of electing members of Parliament in England was confined to too few, to be a right likely to be employed in all cases for the benefit of the people; and while the system of elections continued in its present state, it was impossible that a fair representation of the people could exist. Honest representatives could not afford the expense of going into Parliament. It was a sophistry to say, as some men did, that the system worked well. The answer was, that it was like the gallows they had read of in Shakspeare; it worked well for those who worked ill. His daily experience convinced him of the truth of what he had stated, namely, that the mode of election must be totally changed before there could be a fair representation of the people in Parlia revolutionist, because he went the full length | corruption; the majority of the members had of asserting that all those principles ought to no constituents to answer to; and therefore be adopted. The cause of reform had two sets those who had, like his honourable friend of enemies, external and internal; the first (Mr. Hobhouse), and who did their duty like were those whose interest in the corrupt sys-him (partial applause), sitting side by side tem now existing made them enemies of re- with, and constantly supporting that model of form; the last those who quarrelled with a member of Parliament, Mr. Hume (loud their brother reformers on points such as cheers), struggled but in vain. He should those to which he had alluded. He trusted not detain them further. The fact he had he should see no such differences this day, mentioned showed, that whatever else might but that every reformer would hold out the be said of the Union with Ireland, that Union hand of fellowship to every other reformer, had not tended to strengthen the whole emhowever they might differ on the details of pire so much as it had injured the country, the subject (Applause). Of the necessity of by adding the gross corruption of its system reform, no man not interested in maintaining of representation to our own, which was althe present abuses could doubt. They had ready corrupt enough (Cheers). heard much of the state of the representation of this country; he would tell them a little of its state in the sister country of Ireland. He possessed the means of doing so, in a manner that could not be questioned, namely, by an official return which had been recently made in consequence of a motion of his honourable friend Mr. Hume. From that return it appeared, that of 34 towns sending Members to Parliament, only 18 had as many as 100 voters each; 14 had less than 50 voters each, and 10 had less than 20 voters each. Now, when it was considered that these towns had, in this manner, a Parliamentary influence equal to the populous counties of Yorkshire, Lancashire, and Middlesex, and the City of Westminster, he thought nothing more need be said to show the utter want of representation in that country. He knew it was said that this system worked well. So it did for the few; but did it work well for the many? (Cheers, and cries of "No.") Between the corrupt state of the English representation, and the still more corrupt state of the Irish representation, corruption went almost unchecked in the House of Commons. To prove this, he need only refer to our diplomatic expenses. These had, within the last year, amounted to nearly 400,0007., while those of the United States of America only amounted to 37,0001. [The Hon. Chairman was corrected by Mr. Hume, who said that that was the expense of the whole Government of America.] He submitted to, and adopted the correction. He need not remind the meeting of the difference in the state of the representation in the two countries, nor of its effect in making this difference in their expenses. But then he knew it would be said, that it was improper to compare republics with monarchies. Well, then, he would not do so; he would compare England with monarchical France, or despotic Austria, Russia, or Prussia. If he did so, he was sure there was no man present who would say that either of these countries had, like us, a dead weight of between five and six millions a year. Why was it that this was the case? Why, but that the members of what ought to be the popular branch of the legislature were not the guardians of the public purse, but the shurers in it (Cheers). No honest man could remain one session in that House, without being convinced of that fact. It was in vain that many honest members, who had constituents, did endeavour to stem the flood of ment. Without that change, to hope for a fair representation was to hope for an impossibility. For that reason he had, the other night, in the House of Commons, dissented from the opinion of the honourable member for Aberdeen, whom the honourable Chairman had introduced to them in a manner that he fully deserved (cheers), and who, it was to he hoped, would soon take his seat for Middlesex (Loud cheering). He (Mr. Hobhouse) had told that honourable member what he would now repeat, that that honourable Member was wrong in asserting, as he had done, that if the electors of England did their duty, they might return a popular majority to Parliament (Some person in the crowd said, “That's true"). He repeated, such a thing was impossible; the people might do more than they did now, but they could not do what the honourable Member for Aberdeen imagined. The thing was perhaps physically possible, but it was morally impossible. Was it judg ing correctly of human nature to expect, that when the middling and higher classes were governed by the feeling of interest, and dare not disoblige those who were more wealthy and powerful; the humbler classes alone should set that feeling of interest at defiance? He thought not; and he believed that nobody from the authority of those wise and good men who had most deeply considered the subject, from the authority of a Bentham and a Mill, great names, indeed, and far above the sneers which were directed against them, far above the jests and mockeries of those who envied their fame and hated their labours, because those labours were honourably and successfully devoted to promote the good of maukind. propose the first Resolution, a resolution in which there was nothing of a doubtful kind, and he therefore expected that it would receive their unanimous approbation. The Resolution having been seconded, Mr. HUNT rose. Some few persons called him to order, but the great majority cheered | him loudly, The CHAIRMAN deprecated anything but a mere expression of approbation or disapprobation; spoke in high terms of Mr. Hunt, and urged the meeting to hear every one patiently. who calmly considered the subject could en- |now convinced, by his daily experience both in tertain a doubt upon the subject. In large and out of that House, that without it they counties it often and very generally happened, could do nothing, with it they could accomplish that the poor freeholder could not afford the almost any thing; and he would even consent expense of going to the poll, and if he were to let the right of voting remain as it was, if he taken there by one of the candidates, he felt could get election by ballot rather than have the bound to vote for that candidate. It was the right of voting extended, but he refused the balsame with the freemen of distant boroughs; lot. (Cheers.) He came to that opinion not only such, for instance, as the borough of Berwick-from his own experience, but from authority, upon-Tweed, of which it was related, that on one occasion a candidate put a number of voters of that borough on board a ship to go to Berwick, and vote for him; on which the opposite candidate bribed the Captain, who took the voters out into the German Ocean, where they remained tossed about by the winds and waves while the election was decided without them by the other voters at home (A laugh). In the county of Wilts, with which|(Applause.)` It would be his pleasing duty to he had the honour to be connected, he knew of something similar. A number of voters were put into carriages and taken to the place of election to vote for one candidate. When they arrived, the other contrived to send his agents among them, paid their expenses, aud obtained their votes, which they thought due to the man who had paid for their travelling. The fact was, that that class of persons had not the means of independent action, and being without those means they were without the motive or the courage to act independently. In the year 1793, Mr. Grey (now Earl Grey) presented a petition to the House, in which it was offered to be proved that a majority of that House was returned through the influence of one hundred and fifty-four rich patrons of boroughs. He had no doubt that the statement in that petition was true; and if it was, then it must be admitted to be impossible for the electors of England freely and fairly to send a popular majority to that House. But though, under present circumstances, such a thing was in his belief impossible, yet reformers should not be deterred from attempting to improve the system. He had acted on that principle. When in the House of Commons he voted, as he had always done, for the most extended sys-mously. tem of reform which any one had proposed, Mr. Hector rose to move the second Resoand for the least minimum of reform, which lution. He announced himself as a reformer, some high personages had consented to dole and expressed his pleasure at seeing Mr. Hunt, out to the people from their own gracious of whose assistance he and the other reformers kindness and condescension. Every little par- of Hampshire had often gladly availed themticle of reform was worth having, and was not selves. They had, however, done so in vain, to be rejected because we could not get the for the reformers in the country could do nowhole. (Hear, hear.) At the same time that thing without the aid of the reformers of Lonhe thus recommended them to adopt any tri-don. The country took its fashions of all kinds fling reform, rather than none at all, he must say that he could not but think the plan proposed by that Association, was most worthy of the support of that meeting. (Hear, hear.) As he understood it, that plan was to seek the co-operation of reformers throughout the three kingdoms. It proceeded on bases which most would think wide, and to which some might possibly object as too extended. It stated especially, that election by ballot was a sine qua non of efficient reform. (Loud cheering.) He agreed with that statement, and his opinion was of some value in this case, for he had once been opposed to the plan, but he was Mr. HUNT observed that the Chairman had said much of him, and therefore he need not say much of himself. (Hear, and laughter.) He should be very short in what he now addressed to them. Having received a lecture, and a very proper lecture, from the Chairman, who urged them to unanimity, he merely rose to call on all those who thought with him, to be unanimous in their support of this Resolution, in order that they might call on the Chairman and his friends (who seemed to be radical reformers as far as they could be so) to be in return unanimous in their support of the Resolution he should propose. (Cheers and laughter.) The first resolution was carried unani from London, and the country reformers, without the assistance of those in London, were like a rope of sand. He, therefore, urged the London reformers to come forward. He had been one engaged in getting up the association, and he expected that the cause of reform would obtain the greatest benefit from it, for though some of the Dons did not appear to be with them, he trusted that they in the middle class of life could move on successfully in such a cause by their own efforts. (Cheers.) He deprecated disunion among reformers on petty points of detail; their enemies, he knew, relied on it; they said, "Oh, let these reform ers alone, they always oppose each other; let them alone, and they will cut their own throats." He was not one of those who liked to cut his own throat, he would rather cut theirs. (Cheers and laughter.) Cutting, however, they seemed to understand well enough, at least with respect to purses. (A laugh.) Cutting purses had long been the fashion among them, but if they did not stop, the people would have no purses to cut. (Laughter.) He had hoped to have seen the honourable Baronet, the member for Westminster, among them. He trusted that the honourable Baronet's return, and that of Mr. Hobhouse, were certain; and he thought he might, by anticipation, congratulate the electors of Middlesex on the return of Mr. Hume. (Cheers.) The second Resolution having been seconded, was about to be put from the Chair, when Mr. MAHON rose. Some confusion ensued. The Chairman called on the meeting to give the speaker a fair hearing, and Mr. Mahon then began. He said that among those who professed themselves the friends of free discussion, he expected of course that any gentleman who wished to address them, would be patiently listened to, and he never anticipated that any man who had talents and education, would at a public meeting, find any difficulty in obtaining a hearing. (Hear, hear.) He agreed with the honourable Gentleman, Mr. Hobhouse, in most of what he had said, and he knew how much more difficult it must be for any honest representative of the people to enforce the doctrine of reform in Parliament among a body of men such as now constituted the House of Commons, than at a meeting of persons who agreed with the orator, and were prepared to approve all he might say. He felt, therefore, that there was no hope of Reform till a different set of men could be sent into that House; and he knew that before that could be done, the system of election must be changed. At present it was one of gross corruption from beginning to end. No honest man could afford to stand a contested election, for as elections were now conducted, they often entailed ruin on the candidates' families, and frequently compelled even the most wealthy, to burden their estates with mortgages, in order to secure money to pay the expenses. In short, there would be no purity of election till the system of gormandising and guzzling, and till that of throwing open public-houses and gin-shops were abandoned. He had himself witnessed such scenes at Sudbury, that convinced him no man of moderate fortune could attempt to enter into competition for a seat. At this moment there were deputies in town from different boroughs, looking out for Candidates; not for those who would best represent them in Parliament, but for such as would pay them best for their votes. It was a full purse that they desired, and he who had the fullest purse was the most likely to be successful. He had seen the Saints of Sudbury reeling drunk about the streets, like hogs wallowing in mire, carrying their drunken extravagance to such a pitch, as to be throwing plumb-pudding about the streets. While such a system continued, it was impossible that ho nest men should come into Parliament; had men the tongues of the Apostles, and the virtues of the Patriarchs, they would not under such a system be returned, without they could pay in money for their election. (Cheers.) So far indeed was the system of corruption carried, that some members of Parliament had annuitants in the towns they represented, who met occasionally at the taverns, and when half-seas-over, drank to the health and full purse of him who paid their bill. (Cheers.) Having said thus much, he thought no one could doubt he was a reformer, but he could not agree to the sort of reform proposed by this Association. He differed from the supporters of annual parliaments and universal suffrage. (Slight disapprobation.) He conceived such a scheme of reform to be Utopian. (Hisses.) He would speak freely on this as on any other subject. He was a friend of moderate reform, on the plan proposed by Lord J. Russell. (Renewed hisses.) Mr. HUNT rose to order. He wished to know what Lord John Russell's plan of reform had to do with this question? The Chairman could not say in what manner the speaker meant to apply that topic, and he could not, therefore, know whether it was properly introduced or not. Mr. MAHON contended, that he was not out of order in thus declaring his approbation of a plan of reform, suggested by a nobleman of high education and talents; one of the most honourable and independent members of the House of Commons. A Gentleman suggested, that the speaker was clearly out of order. The question was not the remedy, but the evil. If the honourable gentleman waited a little longer, he might introduce these observations, and would then be quite in order, as the resolution to be then proposed would give him the opportunity of speaking on this subject. Mr. Hector was convinced, that whatever might be the opinions of Lord J. Russell on the plan of reform, his Lordship would if present second the resolution under consideration. Mr. MAHON thought he was in order, and believing that Mr. Hunt was trying to assist in putting him down, he spoke with some sharpness of toue and manner to Mr. Hunt. (The meeting called him to order, crying out, no personality.) Colonel JONES observed, that the Association was not formed to forward any particular plan of reform, but to promote the cause, by encouraging a discussion of its principle. The Chairman said, that if the speaker were to be confined to the terms of the second resolution, he would be out of order, but perhaps it would hardly be right to pin him down to words. Mr. MAHON proceeded. He was opposed to universal suffrage and annual Parliaments ; he repeated that they were visionary (Hisses). If any combination of circumstances should to-morrow throw him into Parliament, and a gentleman in his rank in life might reasonably aspire to a seat in the legislature, he would boldly on the floor of that House, as boldly as at that meeting, declare his oppo |