NORTH, Baines of Leeds, put into his until it has, at last, rendered it impospaper, that a good many gentlemen left sible for the House to discover how it the room at Dewsbury, because I said can get on. Having passed this Act in something harsh of CANNING. Never the month of July, 1819, it assembled was a more barefaced lie than this. I hastily, in November of the same year, do not recollect having mentioned his and passed an Act to banish men for name at Dewsbury; but almost every-life, if the judges so choose; for it is where I did, and I dealt justly by him;" for such term of years as the court that is to say, I ridiculed all his stupid shall order"; and that may be for a sayings about the currency; his "setting hundred years or more; and, in case of the question at rest for ever"; his swal- non-departure, the offender to be translowings of the public money; his silly talk ported for any term short of fourteen about the "mother and the daughter years. The other House, in which the at Liverpool; and his base and savage bill originated, had sentenced the dejest with regard to poor OGDEN. At linquent to transportation instead of Liverpool, especially, I laid on upon banishment; because banishment to the him with all the force that I possessed; United States, for instance, whence I and in that part of my speech I was had just then come, appeared to be no more cheered than at any other part of very great punishment. The bill was it. The "piece of gold in the pocket, softened in the Commons, in consequence and the fowl in the pot," which were to of a very humble and crying petition be produced by the bill of 1826, were from the "respectable booksellers," who productive of peals of laughter where-appeared to be afraid that their trade ever I went. I remember his " ignoble would be cut up, with Botany Bay beast" and his running at the whole herd in order to get at him; and the fellow being dead does not satisfy me by any means: his offences against me, personally, are more more than enough to justify my continuing to say every thing against his memory that I can say with truth. His " 'setting of the question at rest for ever," and being cheered by the whole House; TIERNEY'S refraining from praising PEEL'S Bill too much, seeing that he himself had the honour to be the real mother of it; RICARDO's saying that it would make prices fall only four per cent.; and GRENVILLE saying that there was no danger, seeing that prices would fall only three and a half per cent.: all these sayings I ripped up, and made my audiences as merry as if at a comedy.

staring their literary gentlemen in the face. I, on the contrary, published, in the twopenny Register, that this bill was a thing that left me quite liberty enough; and Mr. BLAKE, the member for Arundel, actually quoted my authority in support of the Bill. The sharp-cutters were cruelly mortified at this; but thinking, perhaps, that they should soon have me, they consoled themselves in the meanwhile.

Transportation would have been a little too much of a good thing; and, therefore, I did not say aye till the word banishment was introduced, for which punishment I did not care a single straw. The whigs were most infernally enraged, if rage can be infernal in human breasts, when BLAKE got up with the Register in his hand, and answered this very But the bill; the bill that was to get SCARLETT by reading what I had said at the ignoble beast, by banishing those about the bill. When the bill went that should publish any thing having a back to the Lords, JOHN, LORD ELDON, tendency to bring the House into con- who was then Chancellor, observed, in tempt; this bill was the fittest thing in his usual kind manner, "The bill is the whole world; and the beauty of it spoiled; but it's better than nothing." was, it came in such nice time. First, It is curious that, when I arrived at the House passed Peel's Bill, and thereby Liverpool, there came on board the did an act which they themselves now repent of having done; an Act which has produced mischief after mischief,

ship, as I have before related, two young gentlemen from the consignees, one of whom having been introduced to me

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any fine that might be inflicted on him for any libel that he might thereafter publish! In the course of twentyeight clauses, this act contains penalty upon penalty, and restraint upon restraint; but, that which does seem to surpass every thing of the kind ever heard of before, are the "twenty-one inches in length and seventeen inches in breadth."

by the Captain, the worthy CAPTAIN into sureties, before he began printing, CоBB, whom I always remember with to pay three hundred pounds towards the most friendly sentiments; this gentleman said, "I am sorry to see you “here, Mr. COBBETT, for the "are met; and you may depend upon "it that they will prepare something "for you." Very likely, (said I,) but "they have got Peel's Bill upon their "back, and that will encumber their "movements, and make them more "gentle, I imagine." If that gentleman be alive, he has, I dare say, frequently called to mind what I said to him in the cabin that day. The truth is, I had read of the Manchester affair of the 16th of August; I had read SIDMOUTH's letter of thanks to the Yeomanry Cavalry; but I had also read PEEL'S Bill, and I was sure that that would take the buckram out of the gentleman. I knew well that I had nothing to do but to hold them to that bill, if possible; for I knew that that bill would bring the nation to its senses, and my foes upon their knees.

Now this Act (the liberal Minister being installed, being surrounded by the Whigs, and having the no very fat knees of one of them stuck in his back) Mr. HUME thought ought to be repealed, in order to give something of éclat to this new reign of liberality. Not so, thought the Whigs, who all frowned upon the nation, which was treated to some nice Scotch sarcasm by Mr. BROUGHAM and LAWYER SCARLEtt, who had opposed the bill while passing, and objected to its repeal!

Before I got to London, the two bills, At last, however, the Banishment Bill, one for putting down cheap publications, which is certainly the least hostile to liand the other for banishing libellers, berty of the two, the Whigs seem to think were advancing apace, and were finally a great evil, after having suffered it to passed on the 30th December, 1819. rest quietly for ten long years, and once, The Whigs rather divided upon the sub-during that time, having refused to supject, some for the bills and others port a motion for its repeal. I have against them; offering a very faint op- mentioned it a thousand times over. I position, and manifestly in no sort of have told the Spaniards of it, in a letter anxiety lest the bills should not pass. to them; I have told the French of it, To show their sincerity upon the sub-in a letter to them; the whole world ject, an excellent occasion offered itself knows the history of it; it has done just after the poor talking CANNING got great good by beating out of the heads to be Prime Minister. Mr. HUME, see- of foreigners the juggling stuff about ing that liberality was the order of the English liberty, and about "les répreday, and seeing SCARLETT, Attorney-sentens du peuple," as VOLTAIRE stupidly General, moved for the repeal of the bill respecting the cheap publications, which he always used to call "Cobbett's Act." This bill compelled me to put two sheets and a quarter of paper into my pamphlet, each sheet being not less than twenty-one inches in length, and seventeen inches in breadth, and to sell it for a sum not less than sixpence exclusive of any duty imposed by the Act. What a "noble assembly of free men"! Then, it enacts that no one was to print or publish any such pamphlet, or any newspaper whatsoever, without entering

calls them, in his silly and bombastical Henriade. That was a sad bribed fellow, by-the-by, and a vile courtier and base stock-jobber into the bargain. His Henriade is a tissue of the most impudent historical lies ever put upon paper. He either knew nothing of the history of the time of Henry the Fourth, or he was a bribed liar, the last being the most probable of the two. I have explained to France, to Spain, to Italy, to Germany, (the United States knew it well,) that the répreséntens du peuple have protected themselves against the con

tempt of the people by a law to banish except cited as the cause of heavy exthe people, if the people say anything pense. The bang, bang, from their having even a tendency to bring them pistols, and the rattle of the feet of into contempt. It is too late to repeal their horses, that charming music, really the Act, if character be the object. The appears to be gone for ever. No paexistence of the Act is known all over radings in parks; no dinnerings and the world; and the repeal, if it were to toastings at taverns, or at lords' houses; take place, would never be heard of. no votes of thanks and stupid corresBut why NOW; why at this time, pondence in the newspapers, between at the end of ten long years? Is it troops and their commanders; no because there is now a lack of the base boastings about the gallant exploits in paper-money? Has this bill produced sallies on old women and boys. All is distress and a want of rents? I thank gone; and the rusty sword, and furredGod Almighty that the want is come; up pistol, and the helmet-cap, and the I am equally grateful for the pinching uniform jacket, are all thrown aside; of thousands of vermin who chuckled or the latter, perhaps, after being worn with delight when this bill made a run out under the convenient covering of a upon the whole herd in order to get at smock frock, has, at last, become the the ignoble beast. But why now; and garment of a shoy-hoy. I can rememwhy is poor SCARLETT run at for having ber a fellow who, in the year 1807, acted upon a law passed by the House used to come galloping into the village itself, and kept in force for ten years; at night, three-quarters drunk, after a law, too, that the Whigs would not having been at one of their reviews, as vote for the repeal of, when a motion they called it, and used to fire off his was made for the purpose four years pistols, bang, bang, frightening the ago? What has SCARLETT done but women and children of the neighbouract upon the law which the Whigs hood. I saw, and I was glad to see, themselves have thus sanctioned; some of them by their votes when it was passed, and others of them by refusing to vote for its repeal? There stand no less than two or three motions for propositions relative to the late trials; and what has inspired all this zeal for the freedom of the press; all this uncommon zeal Nay, SIR FRANCIS BURDETT, who was sitting at the back of CANNING when Mr. Hume's motion was made, now to the acts of the Government. This professes himself ready to be transported (if the reporters speak truth) rather than not set this very Act at defiance. What can have occasioned all this? Is it liberty; is it a love of the freedom of the press; is it a desire that the deeds of the House should be spoken of as they deserve to be spoken of; is it a tenderness for literary talent; is it any or all of these; or is it A WANT OF RENTS?

the very same fellow, in 1821, with the toes of both his feet peeping out of his shoes, with a beard a fortnight old, and with half a smock-frock upon his back. The like of this fellow, if not yet pulled down, rejoiced at the Banishment Bill of 1819; rejoiced at the twenty-one inches of paper by seventeen; rejoiced at the ruin and destruction of every one that had the spirit to speak the truth relative

Act may now be repealed, though there is very little chance of it; but its existence will never be forgotten by any one who shall hear talk of the liberty of the press in England.

It has been made the subject of a publication in Spain, intended to show how false were the pretences of English liberty. Several publications in France have spoken of it. An Englishman in Switzerland was shown my account of Strange has been the workings of this it in the Register, and was asked whePeel's Bill; and stranger still will they ther it were really true, that the English be. They will leave no vestige of the House of Commons had found it necesfine spirit that was floating about in the sary to protect itself against the conyears 1817, 18, and 19. The Yeoman-tempt of the people, by a law to banish ry Cavalry we never hear mentioned, the people. In twenty different Ameri

can papers I have read an account of Buckinghamshire, or distributed to the this law; and in one, published at Pitts-stone-crackers along the roads, does Sir burgh, no longer ago than last fall, I FRANCIS BURDETT and Sir JAMES GRAread, in an article entitled" Degraded HAM think that the system could last ? England," first, a very accurate descrip- Oh, no! the acts are necessary to the tion of this bill; and next, a description, system, and as necessary as the taxes equally accurate, of WILMOT HORTON's are; as long as paper-money will cirproject for mortgaging the poor-rates, culate, and as long as this mass of taxes in order to get rid of the people by is collected, these acts are absolutely sending them out of the country; and necessary. the writer concludes with this apostrophe: "Is this the boasted land of liberty? Is this the country of SIDNEY and HAMPDEN and LOCKE? We thank God that we are separated from it; and we feel renewed gratitude to the wise and brave men whose timely resistance saved our happy country from being subject to acts like these!"

My friends, readers of the Register, consider well these things; be you prepared for whatever may happen; and be not amused by those who now and then give way to a little loose talk about freedom, but who, when the pinch comes, when the question of repealing taxes or not repealing taxes; when that question comes, always uphold the sysWhy, to be sure, the whole world tem. Be you not amused by any one must rejoice that they are safe from such who is not for a repeal of taxes: that is acts. However, the Act in question will the great point and the only point worth remain, with all the rest of it, as long as attending to. Care nothing at all about paper-money of any sort or kind will reduction of expences: that is another circulate in England. Such acts are matter: it is what you have to pay and the natural and necessary fruit of the not what is done with the money, unsystem, which, say SIR JAMES GRAHAM less, indeed, those who talk of reducing and BURDETT what they will, is not to expences will show you what families be carried on without such acts; and and what persons pocket the money. the good of it is, that neither of them That explanation would be useful, inreally wish the system to cease. This deed; but mere loose talk about exis the good of the thing, that they will penditure is of no use, and is unworthy not see that this act is a part of the sys-of your attention. We could have a pot tem. Why, do they imagine that if the 21 inch by 17 inch Act were to cease, I should not publish a penny pamphlet which would circulate from one end of the kingdom to the other? and what need I do but state the amount of the collection of the taxes compared with the amount given in relief to the poor? The millions know nothing about this matter; they know nothing about LORD GREY'S petition. There are about two hundred facts to state to them; all notoriously true; all of them to be stated without a possibility of ascribing libel to the writer; yet, if these facts were circulated at the doors of the soup shops, or amongst the men who are drawing wagons, if only the list of the families two causes. First, prudent people upon the pension list, and the sums they receive, were circulated in this manner, were flung into the pounds where the labourers are shut up in

of beer for a penny, better than that which is bought at a public-house for sixpence. Here is one thing more worthy of your attention than ten years of jabbering about army estimates.

The progress at present is fearful: it may be stopped all at once; at a moment; with very little or no warning; be, therefore, I pray you, prepared: get gold, and keep it. I have heard, and, I believe, truly, that there has been, during the last year, a very serious falling off in the number of persons having money in the funds, as it is called. There are, I am told, ten thousand less fund-holders than there were a year ago. This has doubtless arisen from

have been selling out and getting gold; and, second, farmers and tradesmen have been selling out, in order to be able to pay rent and taxes in the present state

month of this very session, than I have done in thirty years, and that I can out of the House do, in all the remainder of my life. I know all about this thing, from the point of the tap-root up to the top-most twig; and if I were in the House, the people should all possess the same knowledge in less than a month, in spite of all that could be done to prevent it. There would need only that knowledge in them to produce the desired effect; to produce every thing that good men wish to see.

of the decline of their business. The thing will naturally take this course; and as the distress becomes more pressing, the danger will, to every one, appear more great; so that this selling out, from the same two motives, will and must go on with accelerated pace. The tax-eaters, in the mean while, are becoming richer from the same cause that makes other people poorer. They will not lay their money out on land or in trade, because the former yields no rent, and the latter no profit. They will, therefore, purchase the funds. Almost every man now sees, and is which others have to sell; and thus the ready to declare, that there is a great number of fundholders will become com- wrong somewhere; but the confusion of paratively small. Every fundholder, opinions as to the where, is nearly as that sells out is a partizan withdrawn great as ever. No man hits the right from the government. The tie becomes nail upon the head; no man puts the weaker, as the funds get into fewer match to the right taper; and therefore, hands; and at last, if this thing could there is no unity of mind in the mass of go on for any number of years, the the people; and without that unity of government would derive little or no mind, there can be no unity of action; support from the holders of the funds. no united appeal for redress and regeneThe insurance offices must be monstrous ration. The POLITICAL UNION founded losers at this time, if their assets con- by Mr. ATTWOOD, is very laudable in sist of real property; and if it consists itself; but it will produce, I am conof funded property, the security there vinced, no effect whatever. It is enis no better than the other. Their busi-cumbered with regulations that prove ness must fall off, too, as well as every its timidity; it exposes men to the disother; thus the whole fabric will be shaken. Confide you in nothing of the sort. Thousands have said that they owe their safety to me: many thousands more will say it if they follow this ad

vice of

Your faithful friend,

and most obedient servant,
W. COBBETT.

SEAT IN PARLIAMENT. IT has been proposed to me that I should express, if I chose, my wish to be furnished with the means of obtaining a seat in the House of Commons. I do entertain that wish; not for the sake of any gain or benefit of a private nature; but for the sake of assisting in obtaining what I deem justice for the people at large, and of effecting this by lawful and quiet means. I know that I have done, and am doing, something in this way; but I also know that I could do more in one month, though the last

pleasure of the powerful; and if it were likely, which it is not, to become really formidable to that at the destruction of which it aims, it would be crushed, while all but its mere members would look on in silence.

Oh, no! From combinations of this sort, or of any sort, no great good can come, however worthy and able the leaders may be. In 1816, when the late MAJOR CARTWRIGHT and Sir FRANCIS BURDETT were forming "HAMPDEN CLUBS" all over the country, it was against my opinion, strongly and urgently expressed to them both. And I remember that in a conversation, early in 1817, with Mr. GEORGE EDMONDS, of Birmingham, a very zealous and a very clever man, and who, by-the-by, is one of the signers of the "ADDRESS founding the "POLITICAL UNION, I expressed my wish that the Hampden Clubs were dissolved. "What!" said he, "if you take our Hampden Clubs away, we are nothing." My answer was,