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"highly inconvenient but improper for "last three years had been progressive; "Parliament now to attempt to change "and their amount during that which "it. (Hear, hear.) Did the hon. Mem-"had just expired, was greater than in "ber think that if he were now in pos- any of the antecedent years. Surely, "session of power, he would ever be able "this increase could not have proceeded "to carry through that House a measure on the sacrifice of the capital of those for the reduction of the standard of "who were engaged in the trade. The "value? If he ever made the attempt "hon. Member encouraged the opinion, "he must do it in the usual way, "that the Government were insensible "and the delays which the forms of " to the distresses of the country. He "Parliament would interpose, would" (the Chancellor of the Exchequer) offer opportunities for petitions and" denied the fact; they were as deeply remonstrances to pour in from all" sensible of those distresses as the hoquarters, and there would be such a" nourable Member; but they did not "general mass of confusion that it would" think it a good proof of the sympathy "be impossible for Parliament to carry "they felt, to withdraw the expression "the measure of alteration into effect. "of all hope of amendment when they "The hon. Member had denied that" thought that good grounds for that "the augmented commerce of any par- hope still existed. They rather felt "ticular year afforded any evidence of" it to be more consistent; what the "the prosperity of those engaged in it." people, who are both rational and "He would admit that, in one particular" sensible, required; to state fairly 66 year, commerce might not have been "the opinion they entertained. He reprofitably carried on; but was that "minded honourable Members that, by "the first occasion on which the ho-" concurring with the address, they did nourable Member had told them that" not pledge themselves to any one "the trade of the country was carried" mode of proceeding with respect to on at a sacrifice by the traders? They "the distresses or the remedies that "had heard that statement at least dur- might be proposed." ing the last five or six years from the Mr. Attwood, in the second day's de"honourable Member; and though he bate, insisted that, in spite of the assermight be inclined to admit that for tions of the Ministers, the currency of tr one year, or even for two years, such the country must be changed. Such was 66 was the fact, he would ask whether the tone of Mr. WESTERN, and of seve"it was in the power of any man to ral others; and there is not the smallest "deem it possible, that for a regular doubt that a grand trial of strength will period of years, individuals would take place upon this subject. As a symp"embark in commercial, trading, and tom of the prospects of the Duke,nothing manufacturing concerns, in which they appears to me stronger, and more worcould suffer nothing but continual thy of attention, than the sudden tacking "loss? The honourable Member had about of" Westminster's Pride and Eng"alluded to the official returns as de-land's Glory." The MARQUIS OF BLANDlusive; but he must have known, if FORD having introduced the question he understood them at all, that the of Parliamentary Reform, this Baronet "returns were not made on their seems to have made it an occasion for actual value, which would con-answering the speech of the DUKE of stantly vary, and could never, there- WELLINGTON; and, after some intro"fore, give for a long period an accu- ductory matter, he proceeded, according "rate idea of the matter, but upon a to the Morning Chronicle, in the followstandard, which every one at all ac-ing words, in which, as you will perquainted with official business perceive, he deals with the Duke in a manfectly understood, and which gave a ner more unceremonious than any Minjust and proper estimate of their in- ter has been spoken of for a long space "crease or decrease during any particu- of time. He calls upon the House of lar period. Now, the increase for the Commons not to give confidence to the

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The noble Duke

Minister; to resume the confidence" of Prime Minister. which they had bestowed on him; to 66 might not then have done justice to have confidence in themselves; for that" himself; but it was not for him to form the time was now come when they must a different opinion of the noble Duke's do something to save the country. Af-" qualifications. (Hear, hear.) He would ter inserting this speech of the Baronet, "not then go into the merits of another which, observe, is a mere specimen of" question, which the noble Duke had the sentiments of the land-people in ge- "discussed; a question which pressed on neral, as far as relates to the Duke, I" the consideration of every man, which shall proceed to offer you my opinion was of vital importance, and affected with regard to the great question on "the interests of all classes, the queswhich the Ministers will be at issue with "tion of the currency (Hear, hear); but a large part of the Parliament. "he might, at least, say, that question "He felt considerable alarm, indeed," could not be got rid of. (Hear, hear.) "for the state of the country, when he "Parliament might by its votes negative "considered what had passed in another" whatever propositions might be sub"place, of which, he believed, they" mitted to it; but the question of the "all had some knowledge; when he currency would press itself on their at"had seen the Prime Minister display, "tention, because the country could not "what, to his mind, was a total insensi-"bear the pressure of the difficulties, "bility (Hear, hear), and a complete "of which it was the cause, which were "unacquaintance with the interest of" said to be temporary, but which had "the country (cheers); with a disposi-"now continued for 15 years, increasing "tion not to acknowledge the difficulties every year, and being now greater "and distress of the country; but, on "than at the beginning. (Hear, hear.) "the contrary, with a disposition to" He was astonished when he knew that "stifle all complaint and inquiry, and "the Government stated that the circu "persuade the public that the universal lating medium was now greater than "calamity which was felt in every part "it was at any time of the depreciated "of the country (Hear, hear), was only currency. This was an assertion not "partial, temporary, and slight; of a "to be met by arguments, not by any "nature to cure itself, and not requiring "statement of facts, but by the assertion "the attention of the legislature. He" that it was not true, and that it was "felt alarm when he knew that this dis- " impossible that it could be true. (Hear, "tress was attributed to improvements hear.) This was borne out by a state"in our machinery, to the application Iment that there were 28 millions of "of steam (Hear, hear), to those other gold in circulation. He professed " ingenious contrivances to which all" that it seemed to him impossible that scientific men justly attributed all the any man at all acquainted with the "prosperity of the country; when he " subject; any man who had read the "saw that an opinion of that nature" works, in which that question had been was entertained by the Prime Minister." discussed with transcendent ability out “(Hear, hear.) Whatever respect he" of the House; it was impossible that "might have for the Noble Duke's " any man acquainted with the subject, " talents in the field, and no man had" could maintain that there were 28 " a greater respect, he could form no "millions of gold in circulation in this "other opinion of him as a Minister for" country. These things showed him "this country, than he himself had form- " that it was necessary for the House of "ed a short time, a little month, he be-" Commons not to place too much con"lieved, before the noble Duke accept- "fidence in the Prime Minister who "ed his present situation, when he said" could make such statements. They "that he should consider himself" had long forborne, out of tenderness "destitute of common reason, and fit" to the noble Duke, to scrutinise his "only for another place, if he could" measures, regarding the noble Duke "entertain the idea of filling the office as the means of conferring the great

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"est benefit on this country which" When the people were contending ever a man had conferred, and which" with bold and increasing freedom for "he only, of all the men in England," their privileges, they would not long "could have carried into effect, pro- "submit to a grievance which was the ducing the greatest amelioration in" root of all other grievances, and which -66 our situation; but having done that," enabled the Ministers to govern the "the confidence that had been bestowed " country by means of this subservient on the noble Duke must be resumed;" House of Commons; under these cirthey must have confidence in them-"cumstances, and with such a House of "selves, for the time was come when" Commons, he knew no single subject many other things must be done." of equal importance which could come "(Hear, hear.) The country could not" before them. But he hoped, and he "stand still. Not half a century ago implored the noble Lord; assuring "there was no hope of carrying that him that no man would give him a measure which had now been provi- more sincere support than he would, dentially carried; he said providen- "at a proper time; that no man was "tially, considering that it had been" more anxious than he was to bring brought about by means which sur- "the subject fairly before them, and passed all expectation, and seemed" therefore he hoped the noble Lord "not within the ordinary scope of hu-"would give him credit for his good in66 man means; but the state of the "tentions, and for having no other wish 66 country had become such, that doing "than to procure for the subject a full 'justice could not be longer deferred," consideration; and not from any mo"and the Government had no other "tives of personal convenience; he im"choice than to do justice, or involve" plored the noble Lord not then to "the country in civil contention. He" press the subject. He assured the gave due credit to the noble Duke "noble Lord that he did not feel him"that he was sensible to the alteration" self capable of then doing justice to "which had taken place, and that if he" the subject, and he hoped it would be "should adopt any other measure the" brought forward at some other time, "Government could not be carried on," when he should be able to give it that "unless by means they must all shudder" support he was anxious to give it. "to contemplate. Under these circum-" The honourable Baronet concluded "stances, satisfied that the House of " by again requesting the noble Lord "Commons, which was miscalled the "not to press the motion at that time.” "House of Commons, for it was not the Now, the thing which it would be "house of the commons of England, but valuable for me to communicate to you, a house of representatives of certain is, a knowledge of what will be done peers, contrary to the law, and con- with regard to this currency affair. I "trary to the constitution; a House of cannot know, of course; and I do be"Commons in which, of the supposed lieve that the Minister himself does not representatives of the people, eight or know; because his majority may aban"nine represented the noble Lord whose don him; and it is a rather general son had last night moved the address opinion that it will abandon him. The “(Hear, hear); a House of Commons, whole nation all except the tax-receivers "which was stated to be most corrupt, are in a state of deplorable distress; "and of which the corruption stared but, amongst the merchants, manufac"them so much in the face, that they turers and traders, who have any solid "themselves had been obliged to find a property, there is generally an opinion "remedy; a corruption, too, which was prevailing that ruin still greater would "known all over the country; of which be the consequence of a return to the "the whole world was aware; and the base paper-money, in which opinion not "House of Commons knew that all the a few of the country bankers partake. "world knew it; a House of Commons Generally speaking, I know it to be a "which would not be long suffered. fact, that the trading part of the com

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munity can see no hope of real relief in | reduction of taxation to any great extent, a return to the base paper-money, and the landowners will soon receive that that they are anxiously looking for re- which they deserve to receive, namely, no lief from a great reduction of the taxes. rents at all. This is certain; Mr.ESTCOURT, Those who have any solid property, with the magistrates of Wiltshire at hi have debts due to them; their engage-back, agreed to a petition, the other ments and their plans have been bot-day, stating that their estates were passtomed upon the supposition of a conti- ing away from under their hands. Dr. nuance of the present currency. They BLACK laughed at me, about a year ago, saw the ruin of 1825 and 1826, and they when I said that the grand struggle benaturally dread the return of it. They tween the land and the funds was apare, therefore, almost to a man, on the proaching. The Doctor will find that side of the Minister; and if distress the struggle has come at last. In my leavethey must still submit to, they would taking address, when SIDMOUTH and rather submit to it in this shape than CASTLEREAGH drove me off to America, go back to the currency of robbery and I said, "Now, then, I am quite sure of panic. "that the funding system cannot last Not thus is it with the land-people."long. I know it with little less cerTheirs is the church; theirs are the sinecures, pensions, and pay; theirs are all the emoluments arising from the present system of expenditure. The church, for instance, can lose nothing sures, any powers, or any events, to by a return to the base paper-money; 66 save it from destruction, from the end for it comes when it likes, and takes the" of a few years. The question, theretenth of the produce in kind. So it is" fore, is, not whether the funding with the lay impropriators: the rest of" "system will be destroyed; nor is it the community may be affected in the" a question whether the boroughmonchanges of the value of money: a trades-"gering system will continue as long man's book-debts, for instance, may be" as the funding system continues; for reduced to one-half their value; but the" I am convinced that it will, seeing that tithe-owner comes and takes his tenth "it appears to be impossible to carry of the produce of the soil, unless you" on the funding system any longer give him money adequate to that tenth," without the boroughmongering sysbe the value of the money what it may. 66 tem n; but the grand and vital quesThen observe, the land-owner has, in" tion is, whether the boroughmongerfive-sixths of the instances, a mortgage" ing system can support itself amidst on his land. Lowering the value of "all the uproar and turmoil of the money, lowers the interest which he" breaking up of the funding system." has to pay; while at the same time it lowers in effect the share of interest which he has to pay to the fundholder. Therefore, the landowners and the clergy, who are only another species of landowners, are anxious for a return to the small paper-money; and the question is, will they be able to effect this in spite of the Minister? I really can offer no decided opinion upon this point; nor can any of us be able to judge of the matter until we have seen some decided trial of strength in the House of Com

mons.

It is very certain, that, if there be no return to the base paper-money, and no

Do we not now behold the struggle? Do we not now see the boroughmongering system begin to tremble? Do we not now see men who never before dreamed of parliamentry reform, now anxious to call in the people to assist them in shaking off the deadly load of the Debt?

However, the great majority of the landowners are for suffering all to remain in its present form; to leave every thing wearing its present outward appearance, and for shaking off the load quietly, while they retain as much as possible of the emoluments which they themselves derive from the taxes. They

and it is for the Parliament to take care that the people be not over-burdened; to take care that they be not plunged into distress and starvation by the monstrous burden of the taxes.

dare not face an equitable adjustment: to withhold the payment of taxes; to they would, therefore, change the value repeal taxes, until the amount of the of money; reduce the Debt and mort- taxes be as low as the necessity of the gages in that way; and would, unseen, case shall require. This is the proper as it were, get their rents and be able office of the Parliament. It finds the to live on without that open breach nation plunged into distress; it says which would inevitably produce a re- that this distress arises from a change form of the Commons' House of Parlia- in the value of the money, which has ment. By adhering to the present cur more than doubled the amount of the rency, we shall be brought either to a taxes; but he finds the King's coin in vast reduction of the taxes, and to an circulation; he finds the money to be equitable adjustment, or to a blowing-of its ancient value; but it finds the up of the whole system. The scheme burden too heavy for the people; thereof the landowners could last only for a fore why not reduce the weight of the while; and it must end in a convulsive burden? What has the Parliament to do revolution. in providing for the expenditure? it is But, with regard to the constitu- for the King and his Ministers to look to tionality of opposition to the Ministers that matter; it is for them to frame upon this ground, I am disposed to ask, establishments agreeably to the means what right the Parliament has to inter-put into their hands by the Parliament; fere with the King in the exercise of his great prerogative in the making and issuing of money? This is a prerogative exclusively belonging to the crown: as such it has been exercised in all times to appoint certain persons, bankers or others, to issue money to be current amongst the King's subjects, is clearly an invasion of the King's undoubted right. What is so vital as money; what so necessary to the safety of the people as to have this money of fixed and determinate value? To imitate the King's coin is treason; and surely the current money ought to proceed from no other source; no individual, and no body of individuals, ought to have the power of making money; and such never was the case in any well regulated or well ordered state in the world. The Parliament, it appears to me, can have no right to set aside the coin of the King, or, by any contrivance, to render it of less than its real, intrinsic, and accustomed value.

It may be asked, then, what is the Parliament to do under circumstances like the present, when the money has been made double in value to what it was some time ago, and when the amount of the taxes and salaries and expenditure of every sort had been, in fact, doubled? Why, the proper office of the Parliament, is, TO REDUCE THE TAXES ; to refuse to grant taxes;

Therefore, the Duke of Wellington will be supported by every good man in the country in his resistance of all attempts to debase the King's coin or to let loose a band of usurpers of the King's prerogative of making money. But if the Parliament, confining itself to its proper province, proceed to the reduction of taxes; if they listen to the prayers of the counties and towns and parishes, and begin by abolishing the tax upon malt, and let the currency alone; and if the Duke opposed such abolition, then, indeed, he would be to blame. There he stands receiving the taxes such as they are; and if the Parliament continue to put the same sum of taxes into his hands, how is he to blame if he continue to expend it? It is not for him to propose the reduction of taxes: it is for the guardians of the public purse, to propose such reduction; and it is for them, too, to propose that equitable adjustment of contracts which their divers acts have now rendered so necessary. All this is so plain, so obvious is the duty of the Parliament, that one wonders how they can amuse themselves with childish schemes about the currency. We have got the King's coin:

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