it. The latter is very simple. History furnishes numerous examples. It is the mode by which Cromwell expelled the Rump parliament, and seized the reigns of government himself. It is the mode by which, after the Rubicon was passed, Julius Cæsar rose to power on the ruins of the commonwealth. And, to come to a latter period, it is the mode whereby Bonaparte made himself master of the destinies of France.

But, Mr. Gardenier, we are not ripe for that project yet. Can you, or general Wharton, who has given the toast James Madison, on the island of Elba"-can you, I say, be mad enough to believe that the hardy yeomanry of New York, New Jersey, or Pennsylvania, will submit to allow any band of desperadoes with impunity to tear the highest public functionaries of the nation from their seats-men chosen in strict conformity with the terms of the social compact ?

If you flatter yourself with any such pleasing delusions, awake, and shake off the mighty error. Rely upon it, that those who may make the sacrilegious attempt wil with their deluded followers suffer condign punishment as traitors.

The United States have for a considerable time past exhibited a spectacle of the most extraordinary kind, and almost unique in the history of the world.

Our form of government has probably but one material defect. It wants a due degree of energy, particularly pending war. If it were free from this, it might last as long as the Roman government.

This defect must be a subject of deep and serious regret to all good men, not merely our cotemporaries or countrymen, but to those in future times and distant countries, who may feel an interest in the happiness of their fellow men. In perusing history, we lament the errors, of our ancestors-ours will be a subject of lamentation to our posterity.

Taking into consideration this serious defect in the frame of our government, it is the duty of all good citizens to uphold and support it. But all considerations of duty apart, mere selfishness ought to prompt all men who have any interest in the welfare of the country, who have any thing to loose by convulsions, and tumults, and confusion, and anarchy, to cling to and uphold the government, whereby they are protected in the enjoyment of all the blessings of life.

But it is awful to relate, that a large proportion of the weal. thiest men in the community have been as sedulously employed in tearing down the pillars of the government-in throwing every obstacle, and difficulty, and embarrassment in the way of its administrators, as if it were a government equally oppressive with that of Algiers or Turkey, or as if they could derive advantage from anarchy. Should they be cursed with final success in their endeavours, they and their posterity will mourn the con

sequences.

The national vessel is on rocks and quicksands, and in dan ger of shipwreck. There is, moreover, a larger and more formidable vessel preparing all possible means for her destruction. Yet, instead of efforts to extricate her, the crew are distracted by a dispute how she came into that situation. The grand and only object of a part of them is to get the helm into their own hands and rather than not succeed, they are resolved she shall go to perdition. This party swears all the difficulty and danger are owing to the imbecility, the corruption, the madness and folly of the pilot, whom they threaten with "a halter," or to put him ashore" on the Island of Elba." The others swear with equal vehemence, that the refractory, turbulent, and factious spirit of the mutinous part of the crew has run the vessel aground. They are accordingly determined to defend the pilot. A few individuals, who see that both parties had contributed to produce this calamitous event, in vain hold out "the Olive Branch," and implore them to suspend all enqui ries as to the cause of the danger till the ship is righted. It is in vain. While the parties are more and more inflamed against each other, the vessel bulges on a sharp rock-down she goes-pilot-and supporters-and mutineers-and peace makers-all in one common destruction.

This I am fearful will be our fate. It may be prevented. All that is necessary is for a few influential men in the different states to step forward-bury the hatchet-and lay aside all minor considerations while the vessel of state is in danger. This policy is so obviously just, that one hundred individuals throughout the union setting the example, would have sufficient efficacy to accomplish the blessed object of saving their

country.

Will the Clarksons, the Rays, the Ludlows, the Remsens, the Ogdens, the Pearsalls, the Lenoxes, the Harrisons, the Lawrences, the M'Cormicks, of New York-the Willings, the Francises, the Norrises, the Biddles, the Latimers, the Tilghmans, the Walns, the Ralstons, the Lewises, of Philadelphia-the Gilmors, the Olivers, the Sterets, the Howards, the Smiths, the Bryces, the Grahams, the Cookes, of Baltimore-and other such estimable federalists throughout the union, continue to regard with apathy the dangers of their country, and not make a bold and decisive stand to rescue her? No, It cannot be. Heaven has not, I hope, so far blotted us out of its favourable remembrance, as to abandon us to such a frightful destiny. It will at this late hour interpose for our salvation, and dispel the horrible mists of passion and prejudice of madness and folly-which intercept from our view the abyss that yawns before us, ready to swallow us up in remediless destruction.

In England, the opposition to the ministry is always violent, and, like the opposition here, is too generally directed against all the measures of government, whether meritorious or other wise. But their is in parliament a substantial country party,

which occasionally vote with the minister, and occasionally with the opposition-supporting or opposing measures as conscience dictates.

It is a most unfortunate fact, that in congress the number of members of this description is very small. That body may be generally classed into federalists and democrats, who too frequently vote in solid columns. There are, I grant, laudable exceptions. But they are too rare.

This is one of the worst features in the situation of the country. The indiscriminate adherence to party, and uniform support of party arrangements, encourage the leaders to proceed to extremities, and to adopt violent and pernicious measures, which the good sense of their followers may reprobate, but from which they have not fortitude enough to withhold their support. This has been in all countries the most frightful of the consequences of the unholy and deleterious spirit of faction. Men, originally of the purest hearts and best intentions, are by this ignis fatuus, gradually corrupted, and led step by step to unite in acts at which, they would, at the commencement of their career, have recoiled with horror and affright. I believe it is a sound politica! maxim, that a thoroughgoing party-man never was a perfectly honest politician; for there hardly ever yet was a party free from errors and crimes, more or less gross, in exact proportion to the folly or the wickedness of its leaders.

The Jews, when besieged by Titus, within the walls of their metropolis, availed themselves of the cessation of hostile attacks on the part of their external enemies, to glut their vengeance, and malice, and factious spirit, by butchering each otherand thus both parties fell an easy prey to the invaders. To this deplorable pitch of madness we have not yet arrived. But that we have hitherto escaped this calamity, is not for want of industry on the part of soine persons who are unceasingly employed as incendiaries in blowing up the flames of discord, and preparing us for similar scenes. The cool, and calm, and temperate part of the community appear torpid and languid, and take no steps to avert the awful catastrophe. Let them awake from their slumbers soon; or at no distant day, the evil may be remediless, and they will in vain mourn over their folly.

I believe Mr. Madison perfectly upright; that his administration of the government has been conducted with as pure intentions, as ever actuated a first magistrate of any country; and that lord Chatham or the great Sully would have found ita very arduous task to manage the helm under the difficulties, external and internal, that he has had to contend with. But if it were a question that related wholly to Mr. Madison or his administration, I should never have trespassed on the public.Were Mr. Madison as patriotic as Curtius, or the Decii, who grace the Roman story--and as immaculate as an archangel-

nay, were all the heroes and statesmen of the revolution--restored to life, and entrusted with the administration-I should consider their honour, their interests, their happiness, or their safety, as dust in the balance compared with the salvation of eight millions of people.

It is difficult to conceive an object more worthy of the efforts of an ardent mind. A review of history will convince any reasonable or candid person, that there never was, and indubi tably there is not at present a more interesting portion of the human species, than the inhabitants of the United States. There never was a nation in which all the solid blessings and comforts of life were more fully enjoyed than they are here, and where they were secured by such slender sacrifices. I am not so blind an admirer of it, as not to see that it has defects. There never was a nation or individual free from them. But take all the leading points that give assurance of happiness, and afford the necessary indications of respectability: and at no period can there be found a nation standing on more elevated ground.

The former points of difference between the federalists and democrats have lost nearly all their importance. They are merged in objects of incomparably higher moment. Evils of incalculable magnitude menace us. A powerful enemy, flushed with success, and with superabundant means of annoyance hovers on our coasts, and, through his formidable navy, is enabled to inflict on us deep and lasting injury. And what is pregnant with more terror by far, instead of aiding to extricate us from this perilous situation, the opportunity of a season of difficulty and danger is seized on to dissolve the union, to raise up hostile and jarring confederacies, and to destroy the hopes mankind have formed of our noble governmental experiment.

To continue to dispute about the minor points that have divided the parties heretofore, would be madness. How superlative would be the folly and absurdity of two men, who were fighting about the interior decorations and arrangements of an edifice, regardless of the operations of two others, one of whom was undermining and preparing to blow it up in the air, and the other providing a torch to set it on fire? A strait jacket would be too slender a restraint for them. Such is the folly and madness of those democrats and federalists, who continue their warfare about the mode of administering the constitution, or the persons by whom it shall be administered, at a time when the constitution itself is in danger of being destroyed root and branch.

The plan of this work may require some short explanation. I believe the country to be in imminent danger of a convulsion, whereof the human mind cannot calculate the consequences. The nation is divided into two hostile parties, whose animosity towards each other is daily increased by inflamatory publications. Each charges the other with the guilt of having produced the present alarming state of affairs. In private life, when two individuals quarrel, and each believes the other wholly in the wrong, a reconciliation is hardly practicable. But when they can be convinced that the errors are mutual-as is almost universally the case-they open their ears to the voice of reason, and are willing to meet each other half way. A maxim sound in private affairs, is rarely unsound in public life. While a violent federalist believes all the evils of the present state of things have arisen from the guilt of the administration, nothing less will satisfy him than hurling Mr. Madison from the seat of government, and sending him to Elba, While, on the other hand, a violent democrat persuades himself that all our evils have arisen from the difficulties and embarrassments constantly and steadily thrown in the way of the administration by the federalists, he is utterly averse to any compromise.--Each looks down upon the other with scorn and hatred, as the pharisee in the gospel, upon the publican. I have endeavoured to prove, and I believe I have fully proved, that each party has a heavy debt of error, and folly, and guilt, to answer for to their injured country, and to posterityand, as I have stated in the body of this work, that mutual forgiveness is no more than an act of justice and can lay no claim to the character of liberality on either side.

But even supposing for a moment-what probably hardly ever occurred, since the world was formed that the error is all on one side, is it less insane for the other to increase the difficulty of extrication-to refuse its aid to embarrass those who have the management of our affairs? My house is on fire; instead of calling for aid-or providing fire-engines-or endeavouring to smother the flames-I institute an inquiry how it took fire-whether by accident or design-and if by design, who was the incendiary, and further undertake to punish him for his wickedness! a most wise and wonderful procedureand just on a level with the wisdom, and patriotism, and public spirit of those sapient members of congress, who spend days in making long speeches upon the causes of the war, and the errors of its management, every idea whereof has been a hundred, perhaps a thousand, times repeated in the newspapers, instead of meeting the pressing and imperious necessity of the

emergency.