Abbildungen der Seite

- - - - - - - - - LIST OF . . . . Hiš:MAJESTY's MINISTERs. :... : : : . . . .” - - - - - - * * - Q 1814. y \\ so — Co - - ; : *** ~ CABINET MINISTERS.

Lord Harrowby . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Lord President of the Council.

Lord Eldon . . . . . . . . . - - - - - - - - - ... Lord High Chancellor.
Lord Westmoreland . . . . . ... ...... Lord Privy Seal.
Lord Clancarty ........ . . . . . . . . . . President of the Board of Trade.
Lord Liverpool . . . . . . . . . . - - - - - - ... First Lord of the Treasury (Prime Minister).
Right Hon. N. Vansittart . . . . . . . . . . { o: and Under-Treasurer of the Ex-
Right Hon. Charles Bathurst........ Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster.
Lord Wiscount Melville . . . . . . . . . . . . First Lord of the Admiralty.
Lord Mulgrave. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Master General of the Ordnance.
Lord Sidmouths. . . . . . . . ... . . . . . . . . Secretary of State for the Home Department.

Lord Castlereagh.................. Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs. Lord Bathurst. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . } Secretary of State for the Department of War and Colonies.

Lord Buckinghamshire . . . . . . . . . . . . { Poio o: *...* of Control for the


- - Vice-President of the Board of Trade, and Right Hon. George Rose. . . . . . . . . . . . : Treasurer of the Navy. 5 Lord Palmerston...... . . . . . . . . . . . Secretary at War. Lord C. Somerset. . . . . . . . . . - - - - - - -

Right Hon. C. Long. . . . . . . . . . . . . - - - ; Joint Paymasters-General of the Forces.
Earl of Chichester . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . -
Earl of Sandwich. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . ; Joint Postmasters-General.
Richard Wharton . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . -
Right Hon. C. Arbuthnot . . . . . . . . . . ; Secretaries of the Treasury.
Sir Wm. Grant . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Master of the Rolls.
Sir Wm. Garrow . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Attorney-General.
Sir R. Dallas . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Solicitor-General.


Lord Whitworth....... . . . . . . . . . . . Lord Lieutenant.
Lord Manners. . . . . . . . . . . - - - - - - ... Lord High Chancellor.
Right Hon. Robt. Peele . . . . . . . . . . . . Chief Secretary.
Right Hon. W. Fitzgerald .......... Chancellor of the Exchequer.


Bancroft Library



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Russian Troops, 807.

French Liberty of the Press, 808.


Mr. Mant and Captain Campbell, 16, 149, 303,

300, 327,435.

Notification to the Readers of the Register, 97,125,


Public Feeling, 206.

Counter Revolution in France, 499, 538, 637, 666,

760, 798.

Political occurrences, 800, 831.


On Ecce Homo, 44.

Hortator, on Public Feeling, 210.

, on Danger Seen in Time, 662.

On “The Scourge of God,” 265.

University of Oxford, 269, 432,473.

On German Sufferers, 303.

On War of Extermination, 328.

T. H. on Magnanimity of Bonaparte, 337.

On French Sufferers, and the Quakers, 427.

On Vanity and Humanity, 328. ' ' ' '

On Stock Exchange Morality, 430.

On National Reform, 431.

Bonaparte and the Allies, 467.

Aristides, on Bonaparte and the Bourbons, 469.

to the Emperor Alexander, 791.

Has Napoleon Fallen 493.

on John Bull's Second Thoughts, 635.

1. M. on Spanish Gratitude, 496.

On the Restoration of the Bourbons, 469.

On Stock Jobbing, 604.

W. C. on Public Debtors, 691.

The lish Emigrant, 732.

R. F. on the Corn Laws, 765.

On Power and Right, 797.

On the Coru Laws, 798.

, by T. H. 823.

F. R. on Gaming, 828.


On the Revolution of France,
Young's Travels, 77, 564.

Letter from Gen. Moreau to the First Consul;
from the Moniteur, 137.

Extinct from the Book of Numbers, 18.

from Arthur

Franez.-Speech of the Emperor to the Legisla-

lative Body, 16.

—— of Count Regnaud de St. Jean d'An-
gely, 17. " -
Letter, Gen. Decaen to the Minister of War, 58.
Bulletins of Napoleon's Armies, 60, 61, 68.
Conscription Decree, 124.
Report of M. De Fontanes,125.
Declaration of the Allies on entering Paris, 500.
Speech of the President to the Senate, 500.
letter ditto, to the Provisional Government, 503.
Addresses, the Provisional Government to the
Army, 504, 538.

Decree respecting Napoleon's Abdication, 504.

Letters of Prince Schwartzenberg, the Duke of

Ragusa, and the Prince of Moskwa, respecting

Napoleon, 506.

Act of Napoleon's Abdication, 508.
Decrees as to the New Constitution, 508,637.

Proclamation, Marshal Jourdan to the Army, 511.

Decree respecting the Liberty of the Press, 512.

Declaration of Rights of 22d Aug. 1795, 535.

Decree as to the Provisional Government, 540.

Speech, the Count D'Artois to the Senate, 540.
——, Count Bergin, kc. to the Senate, 542.
Declaration of Louis XVIII. 666.
Decree respecting the Army, 668.
New Constitution, 760.
Treaty of Fountainbleau, 791

England.—London Gazettes, 20, 21, 28, 27.

Prussia.—Correspondence between the French
and Prussian Plenipotentiaries, 45-57. -

Narirs – Declaration of Ferdinand, dated Pa-
lermo, 24th April, 1814, 704.

BREAD.—The average price of the Quartern Loaf, weighing 41b.5oz. 8drms. in London, which
is nearly the same as in other parts of the country, 1s. 0}d.

WHEAT.-The average price for the above period, through all England, per Winchester Bushel

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MEAt.-Per pound, on an average for the time above stated, as sold wholesale at Smithfield

Market, not including the value of skin or offal.

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—N. B. This is nearly the retail price all over the country, the Butcher's profit consisting of the

skin and offal.

Labour.—The average pay per day of a labouring man employed in farming work, at Botley, its
Hampshire, being about a fifth higher than the wages throughout the whole country, 34. £d.

Bullion.—Standard Gold in Bars, per Oz...f5.4s. 5d.—Standard Silver do. 6.11:1. N. B. These
are the average prices, during the above period, in Bank of England Notes. The prices in Gold and
Silver Coin are for an ounce of Gold of 3. 17s. 10#d.; for an ounce of Silver, 5s. 2d.

Funds.-Average price of the Three Per Cent. Consolidated Annuities, during the above pe.

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riod: 372.

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vol.xxv. No. 1.jøolonDON, SATURDAY, JANUARY 1, 1814. Price is. 1] * 12 change of dynasty in Sweden 2 Have we


Peace. At last there really does appear to be some prospect of this event. But, uncommon exertions are making, by the Anti-jacobin writers in this country, to prevent it. Their language is such as to make me fear, that they are not alone in their wishes; and, therefore, it becomes us, who wish to see peace before we die, to endeavour to counteract their malignant efforts. The Declaration of the Alties was well calculated to move the gall of the Anti-iacobins, whom we find, at last, to be haters of the French nation, in a mass. Mere, wulgar haters of a whole nation; haters of 30 millions of people, inhabiting , the fairest and richest part of the world, which is also the seat of science and the arts, and of periect religious liberty. The Anti-jacobins were for war against the Republicans of France; they were for eternal war against them, because they acted upon what were called “disorganizing “ principles.” Well, but the French are mo longer Republicans. They own the sway of an Emperor, whose crown is hereditary. . Why, therefore, do they now wish for war with France? Is it because Napoleon is not a member of the old family, and that to sanction, by treaty, a change of dynasty in France, might prove a most destructive example? Why, has our change of dynasty done us any harin? Do not we boast of a change of dynasty? Our old family was supplanted by a new one; to wit; but the Illustrious House of Brunswick, and we call the event a “ Glorious * Revolution.” Nay, a foreigner came here to reign in the stead of our old discarded king, and that foreigner came, too, with foreign troops to assist him. To object, therefore, to peace with France, on account of the change in her dynasty, and to talk of continuing the war with her, in order to compel her to relinquish that change, would exhibit us to the world in the light of the most inconsistent and most impudent people

not, by the most solemn act, and in the name of The Most Holy and Undivided Trinity, acknowledged 1sernadotte, a Frenchman, and not long ago a private soldier in the French armies, to be the lawful heir to the crown of Sweden? Nay, have we not ceded to him, in that capacity, an island, forming part of the territories formerly the Bourbon's territories 2—Still more recently have we not sanctioned a change, that is to say, a revolution, in the government of Holland? That government has been, all of a sudden, changed from a Republic to a Principality, and we have approved of the change. What, then, are the French alone not to be permitted to make any change in their rulers, or in the nature of their government? What assurance' what insolence, in us, to attempt to justify the continuance of war upon any such ground?—But, perhaps, the most striking instance is, our recognition of, and our war for, Ferdinand VII., as King of Spain, while his father is still alive! We have a right to do this, as far as I know; but, I am quite sure, that, while we do this, we must be most unconscionably impudent, if we pretend, that a change' of rulers, out of the settled course, in any country, is a justifiable ground for our hostility to that country. What ground, then, is there for the war-men to stand upon in their opposition to peace with France? If the political principles of the French nation, and the change in her government and rulers, no longer afford the smallest pretence for an objection to treat with her for peace, it follows, of course, that there now remains no objection except as to TERMS; and, our war-men should have waited till they could have plainly stated the Terms of the Allies before they proceeded to prepossess the minds of the people against peace. This, however, is what they have not done. They have seized hold of the Declaration of the Allies as a text whereon to declaim against the power of France. They no longer talk of the

that ever breathed. Besides, are we not row, even at this moment, sanctioning, in the most unequivocal manner, a complete

principles of France. . It is her power that they are now afraid of, and that, too, at a A

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moment when they tell us, that Napoleon
is an object of contempt : Thus they
discover their insincerity; thus, by shifting
their ground and belying; their own asser-
tions, they prove to us,’ that it is not safety
they want, but war.. They profit from
tire way: aid, that is thri.sole real objec-
tioh to péace.—The following publica-
tion, in the Courier of the 25th Dec., is
well worthy of the reader's attention, espe-
cially if he bear in mind the real source
whence it has issued. He will be
aunused with the consusion purposely intro-
duced as to us, and the Allies ; and with
the shifts, to which the writer is driven, in
order to make out a preliminary objection
to peace. And, then, the softened tone
which follows the melancholy supposition,
that the Allies may be disposed to treat
separately, and to leave us in the lurch,
notwithstanding the observation, said, in
the news-papers, to have been made, the
other day, by the Duke of Clarence, just
after he told the company, at the Scotch
Dinner, that he was a Scotch Prince and a
German Prince too. The observation was:
that we had successfully fought all Europe,
single-handed. Why, then, does this cow-
ardly writer soften his tone in case the Al-
lies, or any considerable member of the al-
liance, should secede?—But, let us now
hear this writer, keeping in mind the pro-
bable fact, that he is no more than the
mere mouth-piece of others. “We ob-
“ serve in the set of Frankfort Papers we
“ have received, that Austria has repub-
“ lished, in a Supplement to the Frankfort
“Gazette of the 22d November, the De-
“claration she issued last August. The
“motives that have led to the republication
of this document, we are unable to ex.
“plain. We may be sure, however, that
“ it has been done designedly. Surely
“Austria cannot mean that she republishes
“it to shew that in November her demands
“ and conditious remain the same as they
“were in August. In that declaration it
“ is stated, that if a general peace could
“not be made, a preliminary continental
“peace might be negociated. Is such a de-
“sign in contemplation now? Does Buo-
“ naparté wish to draw the Continental
“Powers into a separate peace, and is this
“ the cause of Lord Castlereagh's visit to
“ the Continent? We remark in the
“Speech a bitterness against England, and
“we recollect that in a previous Speech to
: “the Senate, he had attempted to pique
: “the Continental Sovereigns with saying,

“land. There is no doubt that he will
“leave no artifice unpractised to separate us
“ and our Allies. In this attempt we trust
“he will fail; for the Allies see and feel
“ that their truest interests consist in the
“closest and most intimate alliance with
this country. But the Allies should
“guard against their generous feelings :
“they should not be hurried into conditions
“of peace less than their situation and
“safety entitle them to claim. By peace,
“France will gain every thing. She will
“regain at least 300,000 of her best troops,
“one-half of her best officers, and seamen
“sufficient to man 50 sail of the line. The
“obstinacy and rashness of Buonaparte
“have thrown away the military means of
“France. Never again can Europe ex-
“pect to find her so stripped of an army,
“so exhausted in her finances: never again
| “can Europe expect to see a more formi-
“dable and victorious force opposed to
“France. The crisis is great, it is in fa-
“vour of the Allies, not only beyond ex-
“pectation, but beyond calculation, and if
“they do not reap the full advantage of it,
“they may soon pay dearly for their folly.
“In six months after a peace, France may
“have fifty sail of the line, well manned,
and an army of half a million of men,
“commanded by a great militarygenius. One

* victory may again give him possession of

“Pienna, and Europe may be re plunged

“ in all the miseries which it is now in her

“ power to erect an effectual barrier against.

“This barrier is the ancient limits of

“France, as existing in 1789. Even those

“limits have been found too powerful for

“the balance of power in Europe, and

“shall we increase them now we can reduce them to a state of fair preponderance? If “Buonaparte refuses such conditions, the “Allies should occupy Paris, restore the “Bourbon Family, re-create the Royal “Party, and effect their purpose by that “means. The restoration of the Bourbons “might not, indeed, be made a sine qua “non at present, but we should never for“get that that measure alone can afford “well-sounded hopes osa permanent peace. “But perhaps some of the Allies would “not concur in insisting on conditions to “the extent of reducing France to her an“cient limits. In that case we must take “just as much as the Alliance collectives

“will demand. We must take conditions “far short of those which sasety requires, “and power enables us to dictate, rather “ than allow the secession of any material “Member from the Alliance. Should

, “that their opinions were directed by Eng

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