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put forth such an assertion? The letters | twenty-four hours, unless these Judges de de cachet; the game laws; the gabelles, cide for his commitment.- -Compare this the seigneurial jurisdiction; the arbitrary with the operation of "the ancient Orditaxation; the accursed parliaments; the nances and Customs of the realm," and sale of Justice; the dominion and oppres- say, who can, that the people of France sions of the church; the cruel corvées; the are likely to wish for the return of the endless vexations of the feudal system; the Bourbons.- -I have read the Code murderings of the provincial judges. All Napoleon with great attention, and with are done away, not a trace of them remains. not less admiration. Till I readit, I had Where, then, are we to look for those no idea that it was possible for any Code of "ancient Ordinances and Customs," which laws so effectually to provide for the secuare said to be revived in the Napoleon rity of property and of personal liberty. Code? Taxation, heavy as it may be, is -The man who has been robbed, now uniform; it falls impartially upon the otherwise injured criminally, has rich as well as upon the poor; all public no trouble, no plague, no expense, expenses are borne by the general purse to encounter in pursuit of the criminal. of the public; the law is the same in all It is the duty of the Attorney General to do parts of the country; judges are not of every thing necessary to detection and conlocal origin, but proceed from the no-viction, and the expense is wholly borne mination of the crown; no man can be by the public. There is some sense in callpunished, or even imprisoned, for more ing such an officer an Attorney General. than twenty-four hours, without substan- What, then, are we to think of those men, tial evidence of his guilt being made appear who are daily telling the people of England, upon oath, to the satisfaction of, at least, that Napoleon has thousands of Bastiles? two inferior judges. No man can be Who daily assert, that his government is a punished until found guilty by a jury, military despotism; that he imprisons and impartially taken, and not then, unless punishes people without any form of trial; three out of five judges concur in the sen- that no man's property or life is safe for a tence. No man can be kept, in any case, single hour: what are we to think of these more than three months in prison without men? Why, doubtless, that they are being tried. The Judges of Assize sit wholly ignorant of the subject on which every three months, and are compelled to they write, or, that they knowingly make decide all cases and causes before they quituse of the press for the promulgation of the places of sitting respectively. The Al- the most daring falsehoods.Lornies General, of which there is one in the consequences of the improved situation every district, are for the protection of the of France, as to her laws and government, people, as well as of the rights of the has been the wonderful progress of the Crown. If a house be robbed, for instance, sciences and the arts, in which respect it is information is immediately given of it to notorious that that country has, within the Attorney General, who is personally to these twelve years, surpassed, in the midst attend at the spot, collect the evidence, of war, all the other nations of Europe put cause search to be made for the offender, together, though many of them have, for a and, if he be found, to bring him imme- great part of that time, enjoyed profound diately before an inferior tribunal with a peace. It is, therefore, not a little whimWRITTEN account of all the facts and of sical to hear the Allies holding out to the all the evidence on which he has proceeded. French people, that, by compelling their That inferior tribunal, consisting of not less Emperor to come to their terms, the arts than three Judges, are then to decide whe-will be revived in France! It is probable ther the evidence be such as to justify their commitment of the accused, They are not only to read the written account of the proceedings, but are to re-examine, upon oath, the several witnesses. If they find any difficulty in deciding, they themselves are to proceed to the spot where the offence has been committed. And, after all, unless two out of the three are for the commitment, the accused is set at liberty; and, in no case, can any one be confined more than

Amongst

that the quantity of skill in the sciences and arts, at this moment existing in France, greatly surpasses the aggregate quantity existing in all the rest of the world; a proof indubitable of the security of property and persons; a proof of the wisdom of the laws and the discernment of the person at the head of the government.Do I approve, then, of the sort of government established in France? Is it the sort of government that I, if I could have my wish,

would like to see in that country?

chiefly be Republican's; and, it is impossible to say how far their disaffection might carry them in the hope of rebuilding the Repub

Plainly I say, NO. I should like to see the government of France that which the Convention intended it to be. But Ilic upon his ruin. They may, too, be móré

powerful, in a moment of alarm, than he supposes. It is possible, that his death, and the meeting of a provisionary republi can government, may be announced to evergaping London without a moment's previous warning. But, if this be very unlikely, it is, I think, many degrees more unlikely, that the people of France should declare for, or in any way side with, those powers, from whose success they must naturally dread the overthrow of their present laws, which are the sole guarantee of their property.-If, indeed, we believe what our news-papers assert respecting Napoleon, we ought to suppose, that every man in France has a dagger for his heart. If we believe, that he poisoned his own sick soldiers, and that, upon another occasion, he buried some of them alive, and threw hotlime into the pits upon them; if we believe these things, we must believe that all France holds him in abhorrence. But, com

am speaking of what it is, compared with what the old government was; and, if prudence did not restrain my pen, I would speak of it as compared with what some other governments now are. We are not here speaking about wishes, but about facts. Our wishes ought not to be directed in favour of this or of that man, or nation, 'exclusively. We may be excused for wishing ourselves to be best off; but, our next wish ought to be on the side of the happiness of mankind. With these facts, then, before us; with the view, which we have now taken of the situation, past and present, of the people of France; with this view in our eye, we have to decide, not whether the people of France are likely to desire the return of the Bourbons (for that must be a point settled in the negative, I think); but, whether they are likely to wish to put down Napoleon, and, as a natural consequence, whether the allies are likely to succeed ultimately against him.mon sense, to say nothing of the want of It is said here, that there is no fear proof, and of the strong presumptive proofs that the Bourbons would endeavour to re- on the other side, forbid us to believe store the old government. There is no fear those bloody tales, the fruit of a desire to profit to us; but can the people of France see the from the credulity and the fear-begotten thing in the same light? It is impossible. prejudice of the most credulous and duped They must always associate the ideas of people in the whole world.Under the gabelles, corvées, and all the long list of op- name of BURDON, it is, in the Times pressions, with the restoration of that fa-news-paper, asserted, that Buonaparte mily; and, I imagine, that it will be very caused his wounded soldiers to be buried difficult to persuade them, that that resto-alive at a certain place in Italy; and the ration is not inseparable from the success way the publisher goes to work to establish of the allies, who, though they do not use the fact is this. "The fact," says he, the language of the Duke of Brunswick, do," has been published, in this country, these as he did, invade France. Besides, the nine years, and has never yet been allies, though they profess to wish for the disproved. Let it be disproved if it can prosperity of France, do not shew any haste" be; and, if it be not disproved, it must, in making peace, while, on the other hand," of course, be admitted to be true. ThereNapoleon repeatedly declares, that he has "fore, Napoleon caused his wounded solactually accepted of the preliminaries, "diers to be buried alive." Now, which they have proposed to him.-The reader, what must that public be supposed people of France must, hence, naturally to be; in what a light must the public inconclude, that the Allies are not so mode- tellect and justice be viewed, when a pubrate in their views as they profess to be; lic writer can make use of such a mode they must conclude that some latent design of establishing an important historical exists of putting in execution schemes not fact? What, in short, is the state of yet avowed; and, in this state of mind, it mind, to which that public is arrived, to appears to me very improbable, that they whom an interested writer, wishing to should aid the cause of the Allies by any please that public, could address such an rising against Napoleon, or by any unwill-article?Is this the way that just men, ingness to repel the invaders.-It is not to be doubted, that France contains a great number of disaffected persons; but, these must

that men impartial and not blinded by prejudice, go to work to establish, or to verify, accusations? Upon this principle

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all the ill, asserted of any man, must be and thus, by risking his own life, overbelieved without any proof. What was came that fear which prevented his unforasserted, for example, against the Prince tunate comrades in arms from receiving the Regent by Messrs. Hunts, must, upon this assistance so necessary to their recovery. principle, be regarded as quite true, be-It is impossible to doubt of the truth cause it has not been disproved. If one of this fact. How invent it? Why invent man accused another of theft, the business, it? Why should the author, a man of at the trial, would not be to produce proof great talents and great literary reputation, of the guilt, but proof of the innocence. So, hazard his reputation in such a way? that this Mr. BURDON, whoever he is, is This fact stands upon a foundation very difto, accuse any one whom he chooses to pick ferent indeed from the facts of Sir Robert out of any crime, that he chooses to name, Wilson, Mr. Burdon, and all that anonyand the accused party is to be looked upon mous and abusive rabble of writers, in this as guilly, until he comes forward and pro- country, who administer food to the prejuduces proof of his innocence.Yet, upon dice of a public, who, in the case of Napothis principle, it is, that the accusations leon, will bear to be told, that the burden against the humanity of Napoleon have ob- of proof lies, not on the accuser, but on tained a currency in this country. There the accused.If this fact be true, is it is not, as far as I have observed, any one likely, that those of Sir Robert Wilson and of those accusations, which stands upon Mr. Burdon are true? Is it possible? I proof, which would be thought sufficient think that any man of common sense and to commit a man on an accusation of steal- common candour must answer in the negaing turnips or robbing an orchard. It is tivé. an orchard. It is tive.If we were not wilfully blind, we all assertion, founded on mere hearsay, or on mere hearsay, or must perceive, besides, that Napoleon has sent forth without even alleged hearsay to many qualities (qualities which no one desanction it. The assertions respecting his nies him), calculated to make him an obheroic humanity stand upon a different ject of respect with the people. Upon foundation. The facts are recorded in the all occasions he shares the toils and the danhistories of his campaigns; they are pub-gers of his armies. His attention to public Tished amongst a people, who could not be business is almost incessant. He is sober. easily deceived'; they are accompanied with His associates, or those who appear to be precise dates, with the names of parties most confided in by him, are men famed present, with numerous minute details, for their talents, in their several stations, and they appeal to a great number of living for their wisdom, for their application to witnesses. CRETELLE, in his history of business. His hours of recreation are not the Revolution, relates, that Buonaparte, spent at the gaming table, but in the manly. during his campaign in Asia, and at a exercises of the field.And yet this is time when many of his soldiers were dy- the man, whom our news-writers denomiing with the plague, finding the soldiers in nate a monster, though he is the son-in-law health disinclined to attend the sick for fear of our august ally, the Emperor of Austria! of the mortal contagion, went himself to This is the man, because they submit to the pest-house, and, in the presence of his whose sway, these writers call the people aids-du-camp and others, went up to the of France base slaves, deserving the severbeds of those who were in the worst est chastisement!- -If, indeed, Napoleon stages of the malady, took them by the were a half-mad tyrant; if he were a sort hand, saluted them in the kindest manner, of malignant idiot, who, while he kept

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his own worthless carcass safe within the | such a case to boast of being under his palace of St. Cloud, made it his sport to sway would call, with irresistible voice, send forth armies to butcher or be butcher- for our hatred, and not only for the ed; if he were a drunkard, a sot, a gam- hatred of this nation but for that of all bler, a swindler, a man, who, if in mankind; for, in such a case, the people common life, would be kicked out of France would be a dishonour to the name of every hotel in Paris; if he were and form of man. -But, if Napoleon be an emaciated creature, incapable of any none of this; if he be precisely the consort of exertion bodily or mental; if his trary of the imaginary character that I have mornings were spent in bed, his noons at drawn, with what justice do we, or some the toilette in the midst of washes, pastes, of us, revile the people of France; with and baubles; his nights, sometimes amongst what justice do we abuse them, load them that description of battered females who with every epithet and term expressive of would condescend to flatter the loathsome contempt, for submitting to be ruled by impotence from which youth and beauty him?I have now done with my prowould turn with disdain, though approach- posed subject; and I have only to add, ing them in a shower of gold, and some- that, if what I have said, contain any times amongst roaring drunkards, professed force, whether in the facts or the arguments gamblers, blacklegs (if there be any such that I have advanced, it will require, to in France), rotten rakes, parasites, and answer it, something more than mere cen pimps.If, indeed, Napoleon were a sure of me, or than the imputation of bad man, if man such a wretch might be call-motives. I have not the vanity to hope, ed; if he were a man of this description, that what I have said will produce much then might we justly accuse the people of effect; but, I am of opinion, that, unless France of baseness in patiently submitting the people of this country, by their dis to his sway; then, indeed, when we heard countenance thereof, put a stop to this inthem cry, Vive l'Empereur! and thus cessant torrent of outrageous abuse against glory in their shame, we might justly call the French Emperor and nation, they will them the basest of slaves. In such a case in vain look for that peace which they ap every expression of praise, bestowed on pear so anxiously to desire, and which him or his house, would stamp him who is so necessary to the prosperity of all used it with the character of slave. In Europe.

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Published by R. BAGSHAW, Brydges-Street, Covent-Garden.
LONDON: Printed by J. M'Creery, Black Horse-Court, Fleet-street.

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VOL. XXV. No. 4.] LONDON, SATURDAY, JANUARY 22, 1814. [Price 1s.

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discussion. On the one side we have seen nothing but the boundless dominion and influence of France on the land, and, on the other, a similar dominion and similar influence of England on the sea and sea-coasts of Europe. The discussions, or, rather, the remarks (for there has been little room for discussion) have, been confined, in this country, to mere invectives against France, on the one side, and, on the other, to slight efforts as some few persons have dared to make, in order to check the growth of the prejudices which such invectives were calculated to propagate and to nourish, not against France only, but against every known principle of freedom. To meddle with our own internal state, in a way that the conductor of this work wished to do, no man has dared; nor does any man now dare. To notice cursorily any public wrong; to censure in a mild manner; to express a thousandth part of what the case calls for, and that, too, almost in parables, is to beggar one's feelings; is to rob one's indignation; is to desert, and almost betray, the sacred cause of Truth, by making, in her name, claims so far short of her just demands.

In such a state of things, there seemed little hope of again seeing any room for ex

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ertion in that way, in which alone it was wished to make exertion in this work. But, a new and most interesting change having taken place in the affairs of Europe;. a reverse of fortune with him who has, for so long a time, been the terror of European kings; a great, and almost general concussion being, according to all appearances, upon the eve of breaking out; a multitude of new topics, deeply interesting to mankind, starting now, every hour, forth for discussion, an irresistible desire to take part therein has led to a determination to devote not only more time and attention to the REGISTER than it has had bestowed on it had bestowed on it at any former period. for some years past, but more than it has There are times, when it becomes the duty of men to make, in part at least, a sacrifice of their taste for retirement; and, such a time the present seems to be.

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But, besides time and labour, there re quires, in order to give effect to the intention above spoken of, space; more space than this work, as now conducted, will al-' low. It is, therefore, intended, to exclude, in future, all the Public Papers and other official documents, except those of very great and general interest, and the insertion of which is absolutely necessary to a clear understanding of the discussions relating to them. This will give room for that origiral inatter, which the crisis promises to call' for; it will enable one to catch the subjects as they rise; and to leave very few of great importance wholly unnoticed.

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In times like the present, when the great questions, not only of peace and war, but of liberty and slavery, with all their rami

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