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good manners of its inhabitants, than by | at all. I sent into our village to ask what the goodness of its situation and the beauty trade he was of, and nobody here could tell of its environs, to which even Sir Henry me. I merely supposed him, for argyInglefield's pen has not been able to do ment's sake, to be a tallow-chandler, as I justice. But, for all this, the people of might, for argument's sake, suppose the

Southampton possess no particular privi- Lord Chancellor to be a tallow-Chandler, lege, as to any publications which they may in order to enforce what I might have to say, choose to make. When they choose to ap- in opposing any principle, or statement, of pear in print, they must submit to have his.

-I really did not know Mr. Rowtheir productions criticised; and if the cliffe personally, nor had I any knowledge criticism be at all worth their notice, it is of his calling or profession. I presumed, worth something better, at any rate, than as it became me to presume, that he was a anonymous abuse.

One of these anony- very worthy citizen and magistrate. But mous letters reminds me of my being so it was clear to me, that either he was very long in Newgate. But, though it might ignorant indeed of the subject on which he be very wrong in me to write about the had, under his hand, pat forth a poblicaflogging of English Local Militia-men, and tion, or that he had been led, to oblige against the use of German troops upon others, or to gratify his own whim, to pubthat occasion; though, as Judge Gross lish what was not true. I believe, in fact, said, that act might be nearly bordering that he was wholly ignorant of the subject. upon high-treason; though it might be But a man may be a very worthy gentlevery just to imprison me two years, and man, and a very worthy Mayor, and yet no make me pay a thousand pounds for that political economist

. And the only fault I offence; what had all, or any part of, this impute to bim, is, that of having made a to do with my arguments on the Corn Bill? publication on a subject, which he did not What had the Corn Bill to do with the understand; a fault, to be sure, which is flogging of English Local Militia-men,and not very rare; but, at the same time, it is a the employment of German troops? If fault which every one who appeals to the any onc, in answer to Lord Bacon's philo- press must run the risk of seeing exposed. sophical works, were to remind the reader, Besides, it was a duty in me to expose

this that that famous Lord Chancellor was fault, because Mr. Rowcliffe had promul. punished, at last, for taking bribes; the gated some errors of a very dangerous tenrça ler would certainly believe, that the dency. He had pointed out the

growers of writer wanted the power to answer the wheat as objects of public hatred. Norr, philosophy of Lord Bacon. It would though as a wheat-grower, I do not care have pleased me to receive, or to see a pin, for my own part, for any popular in print, some answer, with or with feeling or prejudice ; yet I was, surely, out a name, to my Address. I could fairly entitled to shew that my calling was then have cleared up whatever remained not one which ought to expose me to such doubtful in the minds of my neighbours, prejudice. This consideration had, bowfor whom, speaking generally, and leaving ever, no weight with me; nor was I acthe Rose politics out of the question, I tuated by any predilection for the calling really do entertain as great a respect as of a farmer, whom I regard as no more for any

set of inhabitants that I have ever useful in society than a shoe-maker or a known, the Quakers of Pennsylvania al- taylor, or a wine-merchant, and (merely on ways excepted. I shewed no want of re- account of his calling) to be entitled to spect for them; and, if any of them had more respect. My motive was, that of thought me in error, I produced grounds putting the public right, as to certain sufficient, at any rate, to warrant the ex- important points, with regard to which Mr. pectation of an answer. The answer Rowclille's publication was misleading might have been as cutting as you please. them. And, surely, if I was able to do this, That is all fair; but, if any thing at all it was my duty to do it? Upon what was said, there should have been an at- ground, then, do I deserve abuse instead tempt, at least, at an answer. -One of of an answer ? Unless, indeed, the Mayor these anonymous writers reproaches me with of Southampton can shew, that the publishcalling Mr. Rowcliffé a tallow-chandler, ing of false notions and nonsense, without when, it appears, be is a wine-merchant. liability to exposure, be amongst the privi I did not say he was a tallow-chandler. I leges secured by the Charter of that ancient really did not know that he was any trade Corporation. If, indeed, Mr. Rowcliffe

had kept his Resolutions in his closet; if Heaven-born Minister, Pitt, having, for the town had deliberated in secret ; if no his fellow in office, that veteran placemail, publication had been made by them, then Mr. George Rose. He ought to know the ihe thing would have been dillerent. But real causes of high price, and the likelihood Mr. Rowcliffe, or the town throngh him, of a fall if there be any. Yet he says as I bad thought proper to put the result of say. Attack him, then, and not me. their deliberations into the public news. A correspondent, for whom I bave the *papers. They had appealed to the sensc of greatest respect, seems not to bave clearly the public at large. And were they, understood me, as to one or two points. above all the rest of the world, to expect He says, that I asært, that taxation and a security against criticism? Fle who re- depreciation of the country are the real and sorts to the use of the sword is an assissin, sole causes of the high priee of corn, an asif he does not suppose that the sword is to sertion, savs he, not warranted by the fact; bé opposed to him; and he who resorts to for taxation and depreciation continue, the use of the press, if he knows, or and yet corn is clieap. My correspondent, expects, the press not to be open against intent upon the main drift of the argument, him, is a coward of the basest desc:iption ; omitted to observe, that I every where quaa description which I am far from suppos- lify my asertion by saying, that these are ing to apply to Mr. Rowcliste, w!1o, I shodd the sole permanent causes ; the sole average hope, instead of partaking in the base frel-causes; or the sole causes, on an average ings of these anonymous writers, will, if he of years. These qualifications I have inhe convinced of his error, thank me for variably used; and I have, to a tiresome bāring pointed it out.--1s to the sub-repetition, stated, for fear of this very object itselt, it is done with, for the present, jection, that the variation in the price, beand, I hope, will never be revived. The tween one year and another, depends Corx Bill is thrown out; and, while I wholly on the amount of the crop and the express my pleasure thereat, I cannot help weather of the harvest, with the exception lamenting, that similar energy is not shewn only of that gradual and imperceptible rise, io petitioning upon other subjects, far more which, year after year, the taxation and interesting to the people. It is painful to depreciation are producing. We have a observe, that the fear of dear bread; that proof of this gradual progress in the price the paltry consideration of the price of the of the loaf at the present time, compared loaf, in which the mass of the nation arc in with the price of the loaf in 1802 and 1803. no degree interested; that the imaginary Great crops and fine harvests then brought difference in the price of food should set down the price of the quartern loaf, at one the whole country in a flame, and produce time, so low as right-pence, in London. The the instantaneous rejection of a law, pro- great crops and fine harvests of the two posed and supported by the Government, last years have not been able, as yet, to while the people are torpid as stocks and bring down the loaf to less than about stones, as to all those matters in which elever?-ponce, in London. This shews, that their rights and liberties are involved. By the very largest crops and finest harvests pointing ont to them the real causes of the are unable to contend against their two high price of provisions ; namely, the taxes powerful opponents, taxation and depreand the depreciation of thcurrency, I shew ciation, which march on, steady and inthem, that, if they wish to reduce prices, flexii»le, like one of our own battalioni, they must prevail on the Parliament to take unaffected by the chilling frosts, or by the off taxes, and restore the currency to its rays of the sun; while the crop is affected former value. Here their petitioning by every blast that blours, and by every would have some sense in it; but, in their ray of heat that lights upon the earth.recent proceedings, there is no sense at all. Another point, on which my correspondent

-If the people of Southampton, or any has remarked, ia this: You say, he obpart of them, are disposed to reject my ar- serves, that the Bill would not be unjust; guments and statements, I refer them to you say, that corn is as much entitled to a Mr. Huskisson, who, in lis ploce in Par-protecting law as candles are; you step liament, has said the same what I have said. cearly, that, in whatever degrre heat is Let them attack him, and not me; for sure imported, lese trill be grown in Lonni; ly, if we are both in error, he is more to and yet, you are an enemy to the Bi!!. blame than I am.

He was, many years, But, as to the gestice of the Pill; a mela a Secretary of the Treasury, under that sure may be not it all unjust and yet rery

inexpedient; which, it is my opinion, is seļlors. I should be very loath to say, the case with regard to this Bill

. And, that a good government will be established before my correspondent concluded, that in Spain; but, at any rate, some good has there was something inconsistent in my been done in that country. There are, at being an enemy to the Bill, and at the least, some persons, who do not think as same time, saying, that the corn was as they formerly dii. The old order of things much entitled to protection as candles are, canuot wholly return.-In France, a and that the importation of corn would Constitutioa has been settled ou, and is cause lu$s to be grown in England, be about to be put into execution. I mlist should have waited to hear me say, that see more of it, before I can judge of its CANDLES OUGHT TO BE PRO- effects ; but there are three things, which TECTED, and that it would be AN are of great importance. The Church is EVIL to carise less corn to be grown in to be supported like the army, out of the Englanil. Niy opinion, which I have taxes, having no hold, of any sort, upon before explicitly stated, is in opposition to the land; the sale of the church lands and both these. I see no reason for protecting the lands of the nobility is to remain good, English-made candles; and I see no harm and the titles of the holders of the lands that could arise from our sending away our are confirmed; and, which is of still greater copper and tin, and steel and cloth, and importance, the Code Napoleon is to remain crockery-ware, and getting, from finer cli- in full force, and that most admirable work mates, coro, oil, and wine, in retarn. If men is to continuç a blessing to France, and an do not raise corn, they will not lose money example for other nations. by raising corn. If they have not capital employed in farining, they will not have to

THE EMPEROR NAPOLEON, pay taxés upon land, horses, &c. and will The Treaty by which this celebrated inhave no poor-rates to pay. If the country dividual abdicated the thrones of France (though the idea is absurd) were wholly and Italy, has at last become public; and fed from abroad, those who are now farmers if any thing had been wanting to shew the would find something else to do. But, superiority of Napoleon's minil

, even in my grand objection to the Bill, an objec- the midst of what has been held his greattion which over-balances every thing else, est misfortune, it would be found in this is, that, in case of future high prices, it would remarkable and very interesting document, have given ? wrong direction to the public Here also we have a complete refutation outcry. It would have set the people to of all the impudent fabrications that have clamouring against landlords, farmers, been propagated, respecting his conduct, millers, and bakers, and have thus taken since the moment it was known that he their attention away from the real causes preferred the happiness of France to the of public distress. This alone was suffi- ephemeral glory of a crown, which there cient to make me oppose the Bill. I know was a chance, at least, of his perpetuating that taxes must be raised; that prices, in his family, had he, instead of giving up upon an average of years, inust keep pace the contest, taken advantage of the general with the taxes and the currency; that, if disposition in his favo'ır, and plunged the the taxes be not laid so directly upon the nation into a civil war for his personal farmer, they must reach lin indirectly; rights. I have said before, and I repeat it, but, the dilt rence would have been, that, that the act of abdication was the most if he Bill u been passed, all the blame magnanimous act of Napoleon's life; and would have been laid upon the grower of could I bring my mind to think of forgiving corn, and the manufacturer of it into bread. him at all for his apostacy from liberty, I

I do not say, that this will not be the should he disposed to admit his conduct, in case as it is; but it would have been sure this instance, as some sort of palliation for to be the case, if the Bill had been passd. bis past guilt. I{is enemies, who accused

him of insolence when he was at the zenith SPAIN AND FRANCE.-The Times of his power, were equally forward in chargnewspaper, having failed in its en teavours ing liim with meanness when his fortunes to cause a bloody list of proscriptions to be were at the lowest ebh. With regard to made in France, is now attempting to his alleged baughtiness, I never knew a cause one to be made in Spain. It will well authenticated instance of this in bis not suffer the king (our own beloved Fer- own person. He may liave often repelleil dinand) to choose his servants and coun- | the approaches of the sycophant and the

kaave; an: those who filled ofñces under | attention; while the ready acquiescence of him, may have displayed the insolence the Coalesced Powers, in stipulations so which not unfrequently characterises crur- highly adva:tageous to Napoleon, to the tiers. But, in the one casc, the crimes de- members of his house, and to all bis other served the punishment, and whether, in the adherents, puts it beyond all question that other, the reward followed or not, it is very the Allied Sovereigns well knew the extent clear that Napoleon was no way answerable of his power, and that, notwiílastanding for the haughty deportment of his servants. appearances, he was still able to coinmand As to the accusation of mcanness, the whole respect. The spirit which has since maaspect of the treaty demonstrates, not only nifested itself in France, on several occathe grcatest presence of mind, but a degrce sions, when circumstances reminded the of fortitude and courage which, I am firmly army in particular, of the great military persuadcd, few men alive would havcevir.ced achievements of the Emperor, shews, that in a similar situation. If, as his traducers the Allies acted wisely in what they did. say, Napoleon was unable to maintain bis Here, however, the conductors of our ground; if his crimes had rendered all newspaper press, who find their harvest in France inimical towards him; and if, as rousing the hostile passions of their species, we have been a thousand times told by the have the audacity to censure the conduct Timcs and the Courier, he was bercaved of the Allied Powers for the part which of hope itseli, and was on the eve of be. they acted. Wishing to conceal their coming his own executioner! If, I say, he hatred to France, and their chagrin at her had become so obnoxious, and his mind had now relatively happy condition; cayer to been so depressed as these hireling news procrastinate a war which they had found papers represented, it is utterly incon- so profitable; and totally insensille to sufceivable how he could think of proposing fering humanity; these prostituted writers, terms respecting himself, and contrary to under the hollow pretence of piety, and a all our ideas of human nature, to suppose' regard for public morals, have never ceased that, in such deplorable circumstances, he venting their spleen against Napolcon, and. would have been occupied with the con- against all who shewed any disposition to cerns of others. One would have thought do justice to his character. In the Times of that, in place of arranging the articles of Wednesday last, we find the following spea treaty so important as that under consi- cimen of the usual cart of that journal, of its demtion, his mind would have been wholly affected jealousy for the national honour, engaged with his personal safety; that, in and of its rooted hatred of Napoleon : stead of stipulating for rank, for power,

• We have reccived Paris papers to the and for riches, he would have been anxious “ 12th instant. The Journal des Débats, to escape the dangers which w:re said to

a paper

of some credit, contains the folsurround bim, and to seek a refuge in some lowing article, which, if accurate, may far distant land. Nothing of this, low- " be considered as of no small importance ever, occurred. On the contrary, we find “ to the future tranquillity of Europe: him, in place of accepting terms from,“ « General Bertrand, who accompanied actually dictating terms to, liis supposed “ Bonaparte to the Isle of Elba, is on his conquerors. Viewing matters in this light, “ return to Paris. When he left the ail idea of humiliation, all notion of defeat Island, the ci-devant Emperor had become aad disgrace vanish from the mind. In- “ entirely deranged, and the Physicians stead of a “debased, broken-down, low- " despaired of his recovery.' We say, s spirited wretch,” as his gentle calumnia- “ this fact is of importance; because, howtors were pleased to call him, we behold "ever deep was the disgrace which Bc. Napoleon acting a part as if he had in / naparte had encountered, yet in a coun. reality closed luis last campaign in as "try where every principle of reason brilliant a manner as any of his former" and of moraliiy had been shaken,military expeditions. We discover no " where the Revolution had set afloat so cringing, no faint-heartedness, no over many wild and extravagant ideas, and anxiety to gain the favour or insure the the peace had disappointed so many vain good graces of his opponents. The con "and ambitious projects, it was naturally ditions of the treaty evidently originated" to be expected that the restless and inwith himself. They indicate, that they "triguing would recur with partiality to must have been proposed with a manly “ their former idol; and the very reflecdignity, and in a tone calculated to insure “tion that such a clief was still ready to

“ step forth, in the event of a Revelation, afirmed, that Lord Castlercaya bad posi

was enough to aford a strong temptation tively refused to put his signature to a “ to revolucimary movements. The Allies treaty which ras polluted with the name of “ seem to have unwittingly strengthened | Bonaparte. When they said this, they

these sentiments, by the respect which forgot, at least wished the public to forget,

they so is consistently lavished on a con- the existence of the treaty of Amiens. I ** victed criminal. The Treaty of the 11th liave no doubt they not wish the same puslic

of April speaks for itself in this particu- to banish from their remembrance, what “lar. For the honor of our own country, they also so recently said about the French “ however, we must correct a misrepresen- Emperor being treated as an outcast from “ tation of the part which Lord Castle society; for they are at last forced to si reagh took in that treaty. His Lord- adm., that even the representative of our - ship altogether declined signing as a Government has pot caly associated bis "puriy to its general contents. The Allied name, in a treaty, with that of Napoleon, “ Powers, afier they had signed it, applied but has actually pledged the honour of this

to the British Government for their ac- country to guarantee the entire sovereignty bi cession to it; but this was refused, ex. of “the island of Elba to Bonaparte for

cept merely so far as regarded the ar- "life!!” What! have we found it neces

rangements for securing the Duchies of sary, after all the sacrifices we liave made « Parma, Placeatia, and Guastalla, to the for the deliverance of Europe ; and after “ Archduchess and her Son in perpetuity, the glorious and triumphant accomplish" and the island of Elba to Bonaparte for ment of that grand object; have we, I ask, solite. To these artist's clone was Lord been compelled, in such fortunate circum“ Castlereag h's signature afiixed; so that stances, to become the aliettors of a cons it is not true that the imperial and hingly victed crinin al?-For years past have the " titles of Bonaparte and his family have good people of this country been told, that " ever been acknowledged by the British Bonaparte was a murderer, a blasphemer, “ Government, or that the British Go- an adulterer, a thief, a robber, a liar; is o verament are parties to any of the pecu- short, every crime which could possibly be “ niary stipulations contained in the committed, or conceived, has been attri“ treaty.” It is not my intention here buted to him. Either the public were to animadvert on the cowardly conduct of told the truth on these occasions, or they a public writer, who unceasingly levels his were told falschords. If the latter, wheshafts against, and constantly exults over, ther are they or their deceivers most deone who, at the same time, he admits is a serving of punishment, for submitting se fallen enemy. True courage spares such long to be the dupes of such delusion ? As a one ; it is only the dastard who considers to the injustice done to the character of him an object of triumph. It is not my inten- Napoleon, I am not so sanguine as to extion, I say, at present, to enlarge upon this peci that any will be acknowledged by his topic. But it may not be amiss to remark a enemies. But if it be all true that has little upon what is said respecting Lord been said of him ; if he is in verity that Castlereagh declining, on the part of our Go-" terrible monster" which he has been so vernment, to become a party to the general often and so pathetically described ; if no contents of the treaty with Napoleon.— faith can possibly be kept with him; and If this statement had been true, how comes if he ought to be “ hunted from society, it that Lord Castlereagh's name appears at as a being who carries pestilence in his the treaty, in conjunction with the Minis- “ train;" what becomes of all our high preters of the other Allied Powers, without tensions to piety and morality, when it is any exception whatever appearing to have seen, that we do not merely tolerate the been taken to a single article by his Lord- existence of such a man, but enter into a ship? It is possible that he may have solemn compact with him, by which tre “ declined signing as a party to its general recognise his right of property to an extent

contents,” though the strict rules of di- of territory capable of yielding a revenue plomacy renders this extremely improbable. equal to that enjoyed by many of the PoBesides, it may be recollected, when this tentates of Europe ? -The Times, out of treaty was first spoken of, that the Times its affected zcal for what it calls the naand the Courier both denied that there had tional honorir, attempts to make a distincbeen any concurrence at all on the part of tion between the recognition of Napoleon's our Government. They, in fact, expressly titles, and the actual transfer of the Isle of

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