Abbildungen der Seite
PDF
EPUB

at all. I sent into our village to ask what trade he was of, and nobody here could tell me. I merely supposed him, for argu ment's sake, to be a tallow-chandler, as I might, for argument's sake, suppose the Lord Chancellor to be a tallow-chandler, in order to enforce what Imight have to say,

good manners of its inhabitants, than by the goodness of its situation and the beauty of its environs, to which even Sir Henry Inglefield's pen has not been able to do justice. But, for all this, the people of Southampton possess no particular privilege, as to any publications which they may choose to make. When they choose to ap-in opposing any principle, or statement, of pear in print, they must submit to have his.I really did not know Mr. Rowtheir productions criticised; and if the cliffe personally, nor had I any knowledge criticism be at all worth their notice, it is of his calling or profession. I presumed, worth something better, at any rate, than as it became me to presume, that he was a anonymous abuse.One of these anony- very worthy citizen and magistrate. But mous letters reminds me of my being so it was clear to me, that either he was very long in Newgatc. But, though it might ignorant indeed of the subject on which he be very wrong in me to write about the had, under his hand, put forth a publicaflogging of English Local Militia-men, and tion, or that he had been led, to oblige against the use of German troops upon others, or to gratify his own whim, to pubthat occasion; though, as Judge Gross lish what was not true. I believe, in fact, said, that act might be nearly bordering that he was wholly ignorant of the subject. upon high-treason; though it might be But a man may be a very worthy gentlevery just to imprison me two years, and man, and a very worthy Mayor, and yet no make me pay a thousand pounds for that political economist. And the only fault I offence; what had all, or any part of, this impute to him, is, that of having made a to do with my arguments on the Corn Bill? publication on a subject, which he did not What had the Corn Bill to do with the understand; a fault, to be sure, which is flogging of English Local Militia-men,and not very rare; but, at the same time, it is a the employment of German troops? If fault which every one who appeals to the any one, in answer to Lord Bacon's philo-press must run the risk of seeing exposed. sophical works, were to remind the reader, Besides, it was a duty in me to expose this that that famous Lord Chancellor was fault, because Mr. Rowcliffe had promulpunished, at last, for taking bribes, the gated some errors of a very dangerous tenreader would certainly believe, that the dency. He had pointed out the growers of writer wanted the power to answer the wheat as objects of public hatred. Now, philosophy of Lord Bacon.It would though as a wheat-grower, I do not care have pleased me to receive, or to see a pin, for my own part, for any popular in print, some answer, with or with feeling or prejudice; yet I was, surely, out a name, to my Address. I could fairly entitled to shew that my calling was then have cleared up whatever remained not one which ought to expose me to such doubtful in the minds of my neighbours, prejudice. This consideration had, howfor whom, speaking generally, and leaving ever, no weight with me; nor was I acthe Rose politics out of the question, I tuated by any predilection for the calling really do entertain as great a respect as of a farmer, whom I regard as no more for any set of inhabitants that I have ever useful in society than a shoe-maker or a known, the Quakers of Pennsylvania al-taylor, or a wine-merchant, and (merely on ways excepted. I shewed no want of re-account of his calling) to be entitled to spect for them; and, if any of them had more respect. My motive was, that of thought me in error, I produced grounds putting the public right, as to certain sufficient, at any rate, to warrant the ex-important points, with regard to which Mr. pectation of an answer. The answer Rowcliffe's publication was misleading might have been as cutting as you please. them. And, surely, if I was able to do this, That is all fair; but, if any thing at all it was my duty to do it? Upon what was said, there should have been an at- ground, then, do I deserve abuse instead tempt, at least, at an answer. -One of of an answer? Unless, indeed, the Mayor these anonymous writers reproaches me with of Southampton can shew, that the publishcalling Mr. Rowcliffe a tallow-chandler, ing of false notions and nonsense,, without when, it appears, he is a wine-merchant. liability to exposure, be amongst the privi I did not say he was a tallow-chandler. Ileges secured by the Charter of that ancient really did not know that he was any trade Corporation, If, indeed, Mr. Rowcliffe

had kept his Resolutions in his closet; if Heaven-born Minister, Pitt, having, for the town had deliberated in secret; if no his fellow in office, that veteran placeman, publication had been made by them, then Mr. George Rose. He ought to know the the thing would have been dillerent. But real causes of high price, and the likelihood Mr. Rowcliffe, or the town through him, of a fall if there be any. Yet he says as I had thought proper to put the result of say. Attack him, then, and not me.-their deliberations into the public news- A correspondent, for whom I have the papers. They had appealed to the sense of greatest respect, seems not to have clearly the public at large. And were they, understood me, as to one or two points. above all the rest of the world, to expect He says, that I assert, that taxation and a security against criticism? He who re-depreciation of the country are the real and sorts to the use of the sword is an assassin, sole causes of the high price of corn, an asif he does not suppose that the sword is to sertion, says he, not warranted by the fact; bé opposed to him; and he who resorts to for taxation and depreciation continue, the use of the press, if he knows, or and yet corn is cheap. My correspondent, expects, the press not to be open against intent upon the main drift of the argument, him, is a coward of the basest description; omitted to observe, that I every where quaa description which I am far from suppos- lify my asertion by saying, that these are ing to apply to Mr. Rowcliffe, who, I should the sole permanent causes; the sole average hope, instead of partaking in the base feel-causes; or the sole causes, on an average ings of these anonymous writers, will, if he of years. These qualifications I have inbe convinced of his error, thank me for variably used; and I have, to a tiresome having pointed it out. As to the sub-repetition, stated, for fear of this very object itself, it is done with, for the present, jection, that the variation in the price, beand, I hope, will never be revived. The tween one year and another, depends CORN BILL is thrown out; and, while I wholly on the amount of the crop and the express my pleasure thereat, I cannot help weather of the harvest, with the exception lamenting, that similar energy is not shewn only of that gradual and imperceptible rise, io petitioning upon other subjects, far raone which, year after year, the taxation and interesting to the people. It is painful to depreciation are producing. We have a observe, that the fear of dear bread; that proof of this gradual progress in the price the paltry consideration of the price of the of the loaf at the present time, compared loaf, in which the mass of the nation are in with the price of the loaf in 1802 and 1803. no degree interested; that the imaginary Great crops and fine harvests then brought difference in the price of food should set down the price of the quartern loaf, at one the whole country in a flame, and produce time, so low as eight-pence, in London. The the instantaneous rejection of a law, pro- great crops and fine harvests of the two posed and supported by the Government, last years have not been able, as yet, to while the people are torpid as stocks and bring down the loaf to less than about stones, as to all those matters in which eleven-pence, in London. This shews, that their rights and liberties are involved. By the very largest crops and finest harvests pointing out to them the real causes of the are unable to contend against their two high price of provisions; namely, the taxes powerful opponents, taxation and depre and the depreciation of the currency, I shew ciation, which march on, steady and inthem, that, if they wish to reduce prices, they must prevail on the Parliament to take off taxes, and restore the currency to its former value. Here their petitioning would have some sense in it; but, in their recent proceedings, there is no sense at all.

flexible, like one of our own battalions, unaffected by the chilling frosts, or by the rays of the sun; while the crop is affected by every blast that blows, and by every ray of heat that lights upon the earth.Another point, on which my correspondent -If the people of Southampton, or any has remarked, is this: You say, he obpart of them, are disposed to reject my ar- serves, that the Bill would not be unjust; guments and statements, I refer them to you say, that corn is as much entitled to a Mr. Huskisson, who, in his place in Par-protecting law as candles are; you skew liament, has said the same what I have said. Let them attack him, and not me; for sure ly, if we are both in error, he is more to blame than I am. He was, many years, a Secretary of the Treasury, under that

clearly, that, in whatever degree wheat is
imported, less will be grown in England;
and yet, you are an enemy to the Bill.-
But, as to the justice of the Bill; a mea-
sure may be not at all unjust and yet very

inexpedient; which, it is my opinion, is the case with regard to this Bill. And, before my correspondent concluded, that there was something inconsistent in my being an enemy to the Bill, and at the same time, saying, that the corn was as much entitled to protection as candles are, and that the importation of corn would cause less to be grown in England, he should have waited to hear me say, that CANDLES OUGHT TO BE PROTECTED, and that it would be AN EVIL to cause less corn to be grown in England. My opinion, which I have before explicitly stated, is in opposition to both these. I see no reason for protecting English-made candles; and I see no harm that could arise from our sending away our copper and tin, and steel and cloth, and crockery-ware, and getting, from finer climates, corn, oil, and wine, in return. If men do not raise corn, they will not lose money by raising corn. If they have not capital employed in farming, they will not have to pay taxes upon land, horses, &c. and will have no poor-rates to pay. If the country (though the idea is absurd) were wholly fed from abroad, those who are now farmers would find something else to do. But, my grand objection to the Bill, an objection which over-balances every thing else, is, that, in case of future high prices, it would have given a wrong direction to the public outery. It would have set the people to clamouring against landlords, farmers, millers, and bakers, and have thus taken their attention away from the real causes of public distress. This alone was sufficient to make me oppose the Bill. I know that taxes must be raised; that prices, upon an average of years, must keep pace with the taxes and the currency; that, if the taxes be not laid so directly upon the farmer, they must reach him indirectly; but, the difference would have been, that, if the Bill had been passed, all the blame would have been laid upon the grower of corn, and the manufacturer of it into bread.

sellors. I should be very loath to say,
that a good government will be established
in Spain; but, at any rate, some good has
been done in that country.
There are, at
least, some persons, who do not think as
they formerly did. The old order of things
cannot wholly return.-In France, a
Constitution has been settled ou, and is
about to be put into execution. I must
see more of it, before I can judge of its
effects; but there are three things, which
are of great importance. The Church is
to be supported like the army, out of the
taxes, having no hold, of any sort, upon
the land; the sale of the church lands and
the lands of the nobility is to remain good,
and the titles of the holders of the lands
are confirmed; and, which is of still greater
importance, the Code Napoleon is to remain
in full force, and that most admirable work
is to continue a blessing to France, and an
example for other nations.

THE EMPEROR NAPOLEON,

The Treaty by which this celebrated individual abdicated the thrones of France and Italy, has at last become public; and if any thing had been wanting to shew the superiority of Napoleon's mind, even in the midst of what has been held his greatest misfortune, it would be found in this remarkable and very interesting document. Here also we have a complete refutation of all the impudent fabrications that have been propagated, respecting his conduct, since the moment it was known that he preferred the happiness of France to the ephemeral glory of a crown, which there was a chance, at least, of his perpetuating in his family, had he, instead of giving up the contest, taken advantage of the general disposition in his favour, and plunged the nation into a civil war for his personal rights. I have said before, and I repeat it, that the act of abdication was the most magnanimous act of Napoleon's life; and could I bring my mind to think of forgiving him at all for his apostacy from liberty, I should be disposed to admit his conduct, in this instance, as some sort of palliation for his past guilt. His enemies, who accused him of insolence when he was at the zenith SPAIN AND FRANCE.- The Times of his power, were equally forward in chargnewspaper, having failed in its en leavoursing him with meanness when his fortunes to cause a bloody list of proscriptions to be were at the lowest ebb. With regard to made in France, is now attempting to his alleged haughtiness, I never knew a cause one to be made in Spain. It will well authenticated instance of this in his not suffer the king (our own beloved Fer-own person. He may have often repelled dinand) to choose his servants and coun- the approaches of the sycophant and the

-I do not say, that this will not be the ease as it is; but it would have been sure to be the case, if the Bill had been passed.

kaave; and those who filled offices under attention; while the ready acquiescence of him, may have displayed the insolence the Coalesced Powers, in stipulations so which not unfrequently characterises cour-highly advantageous to Napoleon, to the tiers. But, in the one case, the crimes de-members of his house, and to all his other served the punishment, and whether, in the adherents, puts it beyond all question that other, the reward followed or not, it is very the Allied Sovereigns well knew the extent clear that Napoleon was no way answerable of his power, and that, notwithstanding for the haughty deportment of his servants. appearances, he was still able to command As to the accusation of meanness, the whole respect. The spirit which has since maaspect of the treaty demonstrates, not only nifested itself in France, on several occa the greatest presence of mind, but a degree sions, when circumstances reminded the of fortitude and courage which, I am firmly army in particular, of the great military persuaded, few men alive would have evinced achievements of the Emperor, shews, that in a similar situation. If, as his traducers the Allies acted wisely in what they did. say, Napoleon was unable to maintain his Here, however, the conductors of our ground; if his crimes had rendered all newspaper press, who find their harvest in France inimical towards him; and if, as rousing the hostile passions of their species, we have been a thousand times told by the have the audacity to censure the conduct Times and the Courier, he was bereaved of the Allied Powers for the part which of hope itself, and was on the eve of be- they acted. Wishing to conceal their coming his own executioner! If, I say, he hatred to France, and their chagrin at her had become so obnoxious, and his mind had now relatively happy condition; eager to been so depressed as these hireling news-procrastinate a war which they had found papers represented, it is utterly inconceivable how he could think of proposing terms respecting himself, and contrary to all our ideas of human nature, to suppose that, in such deplorable circumstances, he would have been occupied with the concerns of others. One would have thought that, in place of arranging the articles of a treaty so important as that under consideration, his mind would have been wholly engaged with his personal safety; that, instead of stipulating for rank, for power, and for riches, he would have been anxious" 12th instant. The Journal des Débats, to escape the dangers which were said to a paper of some credit, contains the folsurround him, and to seek a refuge in some "lowing article, which, if accurate, may far distant land. Nothing of this, how-" be considered as of no small importance ever, occurred. On the contrary, we find to the future tranquillity of Europe:him, in place of accepting terms from," General Bertrand, who accompanied actually dictating terms to, his supposed" Bonaparte to the Isle of Elba, is on his conquerors. Viewing matters in this light," return to Paris. When he left the ail idea of humiliation, all notion of defeat" Island,the ci-devant Emperor had become and disgrace vanish from the mind. In-" entirely deranged, and the Physicians stead of a "debased, broken-down, low-" despaired of his recovery. We say, "spirited wretch," as his gentle calumnia-" this fact is of importance; because, howtors were pleased to call him, we behold" ever deep was the disgrace which BoNapoleon acting a part as if he had in" naparte had encountered, yet in a counreality closed his last campaign in as try where every principle of reason brilliant a manner as any of his former" and of morality had been shaken,— military expeditions. We discover no "where the Revolution had set afloat so cringing, no faint-heartedness, no over- "many wild and extravagant ideas, and anxiety to gain the favour or insure the the peace had disappointed so many vain good graces of his opponents. The con- "and ambitious projects, it was naturally ditions of the treaty evidently originated" to be expected that the restless and inwith himself. They indicate, that they "triguing would recur with partiality to must have been proposed with a manly" their former idol; and the very reflecdignity, and in a tone calculated to insure" tion that such a chief was still ready to

so profitable; and totally insensible to suf-
fering humanity; these prostituted writers,
under the hollow pretence of piety, and a
regard for public morals, have 'never ceased
venting their spleen against Napolcon, and
against all who shewed any disposition to
do justice to his character. In the Times of
Wednesday last, we find the following spe-
cimen of the usual cant of that journal, of its
affected jealousy for the national honour,
and of its rooted hatred of Napoleon :-
"We have received Paris papers to the

[ocr errors]
[ocr errors]

66

[ocr errors]
[ocr errors]

"step forth, in the event of a Revelation, affirmed, that Lord Castlereagh had posiwas enough to afford a strong temptation tively refused to put his signature to a « to revolutionary movements. The Allies treaty which was polluted with the name of "seem to have unwittingly strengthened Bonaparte. When they said this, they "these sentiments, by the respect which forgot, at least wished the public to forget, "they so inconsistently lavished on a con- the existence of the treaty of Amiens. I "victed criminal. The Treaty of the 11th have no doubt they now wish the same public "of April speaks for itself in this particu- to banish from their remembrance, what "lar. For the honour of our own country, they also so recently said about the French "however, we must correct a misrepresen- Emperor being treated as an outcast from "tation of the part which Lord Castle- society; for they are at last forced to "reagh took in that treaty. His Lord- adm, that even the representative of our "ship altogether declined signing as a Government has not only associated his party to its general contents. The Allied name, in a treaty, with that of Napoleon, "Powers, after they had signed it, applied but has actually pledged the honour of this "to the British Government for their ac- country to guarantee the entire sovereignty cession to it; but this was refused, ex- of "the island of Elba to Bonaparte for "cept merely so far as regarded the ar- "life!!" What! have we found it necesแ rangements for securing the Dachies of sary, after all the sacrifices we have made "Parma, Placentia, and Guastalla, to the for the deliverance of Europe; and after Archduchess and her Son in perpetuity, the glorious and triumphant accomplish" and the island of Elba to Bonaparte for ment of that grand object; have we, I ask, "life. To these artides alone was Lord been compelled, in such fortunate circumCastlereagh's signature affixed; so that stances, to become the abettors of a con"it is not true that the imperial and kingly victed criminal?—For years past have the "titles of Bonaparte and his family have good people of this country been told, that "ever been acknowledged by the British Bonaparte was a murderer, a blasphemer, "Government, or that the British Go- an adulterer, a thief, a robber, a fiar; in "vernment are parties to any of the pecu- short, every crime which could possibly be niary stipulations contained in the committed, or conceived, has been attri64 treaty."It is not my intention here buted to him. Either the public were to animadvert on the cowardly conduct of told the truth on these occasions, or they a public writer, who unceasingly levels his were told falsehoods. If the latter, whe shafts against, and constantly exults over, ther are they or their deceivers most deone who, at the same time, he admits is a serving of punishment, for submitting so fallen enemy. True courage spares such long to be the dupes of such delusion? As a one; it is only the dastard who considers to the injustice done to the character of him an object of triumph. It is not my inten- Napoleon, I am not so sanguine as to extion, I say, at present, to enlarge upon this pect that any will be acknowledged by his topic. But it may not be amiss to remark a enemics.-But if it be all true that has little upon what is said respecting Lord been said of him; if he is in verity that Castlereagh declining, on the part of our Go-" terrible monster" which he has been so vernment, to become a party to the general often and so pathetically described; if no contents of the treaty with Napoleon. faith can possibly be kept with him; and If this statement had been true, how comes if he ought to be "hunted from society, it that Lord Castlereagh's name appears at as a being who carries pestilence in his the treaty, in conjunction with the Minis-" train ;" what becomes of all our high preters of the other Allied Powers, without tensions to piety and morality, when it is any exception whatever appearing to have seen, that we do not merely tolerate the been taken to a single article by his Lord-existence of such a man, but enter into a ship? It is possible that he may have "declined signing as a party to its general contents," though the strict rules of diplomacy renders this extremely improbable. Besides, it may be recollected, when this treaty was first spoken of, that the Times and the Courier both denied that there had been any concurrence at all on the part of our Government. They, in fact, expressly

[ocr errors]
[ocr errors]

solemn compact with him, by which we recognise his right of property to an extent of territory capable of yielding a revenue equal to that enjoyed by many of the Potentates of Europe?-The Times, out of its affected zeal for what it calls the national honour, attempts to make a distinction between the recognition of Napoleon's titles, and the actual transfer of the Isle of

« ZurückWeiter »