pleased. If I had been one of them, in | land, horses, leather, iron, wood, hemp, Parliament, I should not, however, have &c. &c. paid back to the farmer by those been silent. I should have told the people who eat the loaf. Take off his land tax, the real state of the case; how my land property tax, horse tax, dog tax, window was taxed; what deduction the Govern- tax, gig tax, iron tax, wood tax, leather ment made from my rent; and how im tax, soap tax, candle tax, salt tax, pepper possible it was for me to lower my rents, tax, sugar tax, malt tax, house tax, painted without a proportionate diminution of my cloth tax, and a hundred others that I cantaxes. I should have told the people, not recollect. Take off all these from him, that if the Bill did tend to keep up the and put them, at once, fairly upon the baf price of corn, its advantage would be to itself, so that people may see how the thing the Government and the fundholder, and is, and he will not need more than about hot to me; and, I should clearly have thirty shillings for a quarter of wheat. But, shewn them, that the average high prices if he must still pay them all, they must be of late years, are to be ascribed to the taxes paid back to him again; and, if they conand the currency; and, of course, that I tinue at their present amount, he must, was not one of those to be blamed, unless upon an average of years, have one hunI had shared in the taxes. If Mr. Whit-dred shillings a quarter for his wheat, that bread, Mr. Coke, and other great land-price being necessary to enable him to pay holders had done this in their places in the taxes.-This being so clear and indisthe House, the former would not now have putable, it follows, of course, that the inhad to express his vexation at seeing crease of the taxes is the cause of the George Rose called "the friend of the average high price of corn and of the loaf; "people."-I shewed it in my last, but I and that, if any body is to be blamed for will shew it again here, that the average this high price, it must be those who have high price of corn is occasioned by the occasioned the increase of the taxes. Now, taxes and the paper money. I say the certainly, one of these is this very George average observed, because the difference in Rose, who has, from 1792 to the present price between one year and another, is moment, been writing pamphlets (for it is a bccasioned by the difference in the quan- pamphleteer that I now consider him) to tity and quality of the crop.-During the urge the continuance of war, and to justify last peace, from 1783 to 1792 inclusive, the expenditure of public money and the the average price of the quartern loaf was imposition of taxes. Yet, he is called the d. During the war that has just been friend of the people, while Mr. Coke is happily put an end to, the average price called their enemy! George Rose and his of the same loaf has been about 14d. family are become rich out of the taxes. During the former period, the annual taxes They have been, for many years, sinecure raised in the country amounted to about 14 placemen and active placemen too. They millions; during the latter period, to about have received immense sums out of the forty millions. The currency of 1792 was taxes imposed since 1792. Consequently 21s. to a guinea. It has of late years been they have helped to make corn high27s. to a guinea. Can there be any doubt priced; because the taxes are, in great as to the real causes, then, of the average part, drawn from the land. rise in the price of corn?-Those who cat which they have received have helped to the loaf must pay the tax upon the land, make bread dear. What they now receive, and upon all the things used in its cultiva-in various ways, out of the taxes, still helps tion. It is well known, that the tax upon to keep up the price of bread. beer, salt, sugar, soap, candles, quack me- George Rose is called the friend of the dicines, &c. is paid by the consumer. And people -He and his family contend, that must it not be the same with bread? they have received no more than their serPaper, for instance, was about 25s. a ream.vices merited. Let us, for argument's sake, A tax of two or three shillings was added grant them the assertion. But that does to the old tax. Paper rose two or three not alter the case. They have still helped shillings a ream immediately; and, who to make bread dear. And, if they tell us, was fool enough to lay the blame upon the as he did once before, in a pamphlet, that paper-maker, or the stationer? This Regis- we had to choose between paying enormous ter, for another instance, pays a tax of 34d. taxes, and losing "the blessed comforts of but the tax is paid finally by the reader;" religion," it comes to this, at last, that, and not by the proprietor. So is the tax on having had to decide, whether we would

The taxes

And yet,

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and EFFECTS of taxes, are fit objects of inquiry and discussion with the City of Westminster. To others they leave the babbling about petty regulations, and the spreading of false and ridiculous notions, and the exciting of prejudices and passions, tending to injure the cause of freedom, by ascribing public calamity and distress to causes other than the true one, which, if once rightly understood, and constantly kept before the public mind, could not fail to produce that reform, without which no event will ever make this country what it formerly was.

TREATY OF PEACE.- -Peace is, at last, made with France; and FRANCE, after all her toils, is at peace. I wish I could say the same of our own country; but the day of her peace is, I fear, far distant yet.

preserve those blessed comforts, at the ex-, pence of dear bread, or lose the blessed comforts; and, having made the former choice, we have no right to grumble at paying for dear bread, since, by the means of a long and bloody war, we have preserved the blessed comforts. Thus, then, it comes home to the mass of the nation. The nation has suffered the war to go on; taxes were necessary to the war; and the high price of bread is necessary to the taxes. But the thing lies deeper yet. The blame, if any, is to be imputed to the want of a Reform in the Parliament. It was the want of that reform which occasioned the enormous taxes. The taxes have produced the high price of bread. We now see explained in practice what Sir Francis Burdett said of those lords and country gentlemen, who spent their time at agricultural meetings and The terms of the Peace cattle-shows. He told them, that while will be best gathered from the document they thought of doing good in that way, they itself, a copy of which I have given beneglected the true means of making the low. But, it is material to observe, that people happy. We now see them reproach- the terms are very honourable to France. ed with those very high prices, which have She retains the territories which the Nabeen rendered indispensable by the taxes, tional Assembly took from the Pope, and which they so readily permitted to be impo- which were always a thorn in her side. She sed. While their favourite pursuits re- keeps an extensive tract, not formerly hers. ceived no check, they joined in reviling She rounds her territory, and strengthens every one who disapproved of the system; her defence against Belgium and Gerand now they must console themselves as many. She keeps all the precious spoil, they can for the natural consequences of which the Republicans took from the galtheir conduct. So long as the farmer lerics in Belgium and Italy. She pays flourished, they seemed to care very little back no requisitions. She gains the loss about the burdens of the war. They were of three Colonies; and, as if we had been amongst the forwardest to support taxes. resolved that she should not ruin herself in But a state of things having arrived, in means as well as morals by a connection which, as they think, their full share of with the East Indies, she is to have no the taxes will fall upon them, not perceiving fortifications in that corrupting country. how it fell upon them before, they begin to It would have been better for her if she discover symptoms of feeling. This is had had no Colonies at all of any sort. She good; and it may encourage us to hope, ought now to bend her attention to the that they will extend their feeling to others settlement of her Government at home; by-and-bye-For my part, I have, I think, to the cultivation of her soil upon the best now done with this discussion. I shall principles; to the revival and introducbe glad to see the Bill dropped, and so I tion of useful manufactures; to the supleave it. But before I conclude, I cannot plying of herself with all necessary arhelp expressing my pleasure at seeing, that ticles; and to the establishing of a system the City of Westminster has taken no part of defence against her enemies, which in this silly clamour. That good sense, will not endanger her own liberties; for which has always distinguished that city, liberties, it appears, she really is to have. has made its inhabitants perceive that this Major Cartwright's work on National Dewas a subject beneath the notice of men, fence, which makes representation and who set a proper value upon their rights; arms-bearing go hand in hand, would be who consider the dictates of the mere belly very useful to her law-givers. Those who as unworthy of being listened to. This have rights to enjoy, ought to defend the their conduct shows, that, they are good country in which they have such enjoyjudges of the subjects that ought to engagement. Every man who has a vote in the their attention. TAXES, and the CAUSE choosing of representatives, ought to have

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arms ready for the defence of the country. and this interest would not allow them to "Arms in the hands of freemen," is the do that which our malignant writers wished only safe defence of nations. Every man, them to do. The treaty, or rather treaties, who is a friend to freedom, must feel un-have been the result of calculations of commonly anxious as to what will now be interest, and have proceeded from no done in France. He must be extremely sentiment of generosity.- -Well, now; anxious to see the French nation enjoy-how comes peace to US?--It has been ing prosperity and tranquillity, under a stated in the newspapers, that the news free and wise Government, because it is of the signature of the Treaty was now that we are to see what has been received at Lloyd's Coffee-House with a produced by that grand Revolution, which sort of half-suppressed murmur! There is has so long agitated the world. We are no Treaty of Commerce! Peace to us is now to see what is the change which that not what it is to France. It gives us no event will have effected. We are now to hope of a reduction of taxes, while it opens see whether the example of France be, or the sea to all the world. Other nations will be not, worth following by any enslaved now enjoy each its share of commerce. and humbugged nation. We shall now, new and large loan accompanies our peace; very soon, be able to draw a correct com- while other nations, freed of their debts, parison between the state of France before offer security for that moveable property, of the Revolution and after the Revolution. which England has so long been the sole And, what is equally important, we shall depot. The weight of our taxes, bearing so be able to see what difference there is in heavily on the people of fixed income, or not OUR situation since the French Revolu- partaking in the gains of trade and labour, tion began. What will now be said by will induce them to seek abroad those enthose malignant men, who, through the joyments, which they cannot have here. A Times and Courier newspapers, pressed it person, who has no business by which to upon the Allies not to leave a statue or again, knowing that he can live as well for victure at Paris. Who urged them, tooth a hundred pounds a year in France as he and nail, to compel the King of France can here for four hundred pounds a year, to disband all his regular army; to keep will feel a strong desire to get rid of his back the French prisoners of war until he present state. All this is felt now, and wilk agreed to such terms? What will the ma-be felt more and more daily; and, as this licious wretches say now? Why, they do say nothing. They receive the treaty with a sort of sulky reserve. They talk about the generosity of the Allies. The Allies could not do otherwise than they have done. If the Allies had attempted to extort degrading terms from France, they would have had no peace at all. The French nation is too great in itself to admit of any such terms. The Allied Sovereigns on the Continent stand in some fear of each other. France does, and always will, hold the balance of Europe in her hands. Any one power joined with her must be more than a match for all the rest of Europe. The same cannot be said of any other two powers. Therefore, it has been no act of generosity on the part of the Allies. It has been an act of expediency, and, indeed, of necessity. If they, with their bayonets in France, had joined together, and insisted upon degrading terms, the king would have been overset very soon by the people; and the lava, as Pitt called it, would have bursted forth again. But each of the Powers had its own private interests to take care of,

description of persons withdraw themselves from their share of the burden of our taxes, that burden must fall the heavier on those of us who remain. A man having funded property in England, pays to the Government ten pounds out of every hundred pounds of interest annually. In France be would pay nothing out of the hundred. Will he not seek to remove that property? Besides the dearness of living, occasioned by the taxes, is quite a sufficient inducement; and, as there is not only no prospect of any considerable part of the taxes being taken off, but a certainty that they cannot, must not the consequence be an alarming emigration? If, indeed, we could return to old prices; if we could come back to the seven-penny loaf of 1792, before Pitt's war against the French Republicans began; if we could shake off the taxes, or reduce thent to fourteen millions a year; then people would stay at home, as they did before the French Revolution; but to this state we cannot return, as long as the interest shall continue to be paid upon the National Debt.

...Just as I was finsihing the last sentence, the newspaper,

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containing Mr. Huskisson's speech of Monday last, on the CORN BILL, came in from the post-office. That speech, of which, perhaps, we have but a faint sketch," farmer, it should be considered, that does the speaker great honour. Not on ac- "there was now a great diminution in the count of its originality, for I had said the "value of money; and that the capital nesame thing in the two or three preceding "cessary for carrying on of farming operaRegisters, and especially in that of last "tions, must now be double to what it was Saturday; but, on account of its manliness."before the war. The Noble Lord (Lord Mr. Huskisson is the only man, who, as far" A. Hamilton) deceived himself, therefore, as I have observed, has had the sense to "if he thought, that things could return to discern, and the courage to state in plain "what they were before the war. This was terms, the truth of the case. His speech one of the most dangerous errors which "could be entertained. appertains to the subject, upon which I am What was like to writing; for its truths are amongst those" be the permanent charge of this country, which are felt as to the effects of peace; as now that the war was at an end? The to our prospects in peace; as to the disap-" whole expences of this country, including pointment of the people; it came, at once, "all our establishments before the war, home to my notions about old prices.-I" only amounted to 16 millions. He could shall insert it here; for I look upon it as "not anticipate what part of our present singularly valuable.- "Mr. Huskisson" establishments would be now kept up; "said, every subject alluded to by the Ho-" but whatever they might be, he believed "nourable Gentleman would, as the motion" that our peace establishment must entail "was shaped, come before the Committee;" on us a permanent charge of nearer CO for the first reference to that Committee" than 50 millions. Would this produce was that of all the Petitions on the Table no alteration in the money value of "on the subject of the Corn Laws. In "articles? When Gentlemen talked of "some of these Petitions the freedom of " the increased price of bread, was not trade was surely introduced. He hoped, "every thing else raised in proportion, and "therefore, that the Honourable Gentle-" that not in consequence of the high price "man would give his vote for the Com-" of bread, but the amount of taxation? It "mittee. He would state the reasons why was impossible for the country to return. "he supported the present motion for a" to the prices before the war. It had been "Committee, though he objected to the ap-" said that the obvious remedy was to, He had not the good "pointment of a Committee on a former" lower the rents. 66 occasion. He believed now, as he did" fortune to be a landholder, and he had no. "then, that there was no probability of any "interest but that of the public in general "importation of Corn into this country, "in view. The proportion of the gross "before the next harvest. The only cir- "proceed of land, which now came to the "cumstances which varied his view, was "landlord, however it might be represented "that of the number of Petitions which had" in money, was now much less than what "been presented to the House. The views" it was in 1792. Previous to the war, in " of these Petitioners, even if founded in "a farm of moderate extent, the farmer "misrepresentation, although they ought" considered himself requited if he made "not to induce any Member to do that" three rents from it. But it was necessa"which he was not convinced was just and in the case of such a farm now, that ry, "the farmer should make at least five rents proper, were still entitled to the most If even the "respectful consideration of the House." to be enabled to go on. Although the Petitions were in many in- "whole rental of the country were remitted, "stances the result of malevolent and mis- "it would be impossible to return to the "taken appeals to the feelings of the people, "prices before the war. He was not afraid "to declare that the people of this country "they ought to be met by temperate inquiry and the fullest investigation. The cir-" must not expect, be the law on the subject "cumstance of such a number of Petitions," what it may, that, with our burthens, the ever be LESS "therefore, afforded a ground for those who " price of bread can "THAN DOUBLE TO WHAT IT "were favourable to the measure, to support the present inquiry; for the object" WAS BEFORE THE WAR.""of these Petitions was not to make any There, my worthy neighbours of South "alteration in the Corn Laws, or to make ampton! There is comfort for you! Are

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state of 1792. Peace can no more do that, than it can bring my hair back to the colour of 1792, unless it can first bring back the taxes and the currency to the amount and the value of 1792.This truth, though the reason on which it is founded, is, perhaps, seen clearly by few fundholders, is felt by them all. As cattle and sheep are guided by instinct to provide against the inelemency of the weather, and, in other respects, to take care of their health and their lives; so there is about man a sort of instinct, which guides him in the care of his interests, to which, generally speaking, he is, without knowing why, as true as the dial to the sun. The loan, about to be made, may have had some effect in depressing the funds; but still they would have risen something in price, had it not been for the circumstances, of which I have been speaking.

TREATY OF PEACE.

IN THE NAME OF THE MOST HOLY AND

UNDIVIDED TRINITY.

you now satisfied Mr. Grant, of Portsmouth, the "down corn down horn" orator? You, perhaps, did not believe me; but you will pay some attention to Mr. Huskisson, who must know something about what our peace taxes will be.-The thing is so plain, that is impossible that many members of the House should not have viewed it in the same light. It is impossible that they should not have seen it thus; but, except Mr. Huskisson, no one has plainly said what it was necessary to say. What I most wonder at is, that Mr. Coke should expose himself to be hanged in effigy on such an account.Mr. Huskisson, however, seems to think, that the Bill, if it had passed [it is thrown out], would have done good to the grower of wheat. Here I differ from him. I grant that its effect, though in a very small degree, would have been to cause more corn to be grown in the country; to prevent great fluctuations; to prevent the slothful and improvident farmer from being ruined in certain cases; to make his trade a more steady and uniform thing. But what is all this to the calling generally? I have very well considered the tendencics of the proposed Bill; I am deeply interested in what is generally supposed to have been the object of it; in short, I have a great deal of wheat to sell, and wish to sell it for as much as I can get. And yet, I sincerely declare, that I think it will be a good to me, that the Bill did not pass.—If I am right, then, how wrong must my good neighbours of Southampton be? and how erroneous the sentiments of those numerous petitions, which the belly has belched forth upon this occasion!To return to the subject of peace as it affects England, we now see that there are others besides my-rope a pledge of security and stability, self, who say that the seven-penny loaf can- conditions and guarantees which they had not return; that our taxes must continue, to demand with regret under her late Goand that the high prices must continue vernment; their said Majesties have apalong with them, upon an average of years, pointed Plenipotentiaries to discuss, conThese truths, though not acknowledged, clude, and sign a treaty of peace and friendare felt; and hence it is, that with a Def-ship; that is to say-His Majesty the nitive Treaty of Peace on the tables of Parliament, the public funds do not risc a single fraction! This is what never was known before, since the system of funding hegan; and the reason is, that peace never before found the nation in so burdened a state. While the war lasted, men were blind to every thing but the events and chances of the war. The nation seems to have agreed to shut its eyes to consequences. A vague sort of hope existed, that peace would bring things back to the

His Majesty the King of France and Navarre on the one part, and his Majesty the Emperor of Austria, King of Hungary and Bohemia, and his Allies on the other, being animated by an equal wish to put an end to the long agitations of Europe, and to the calamities of nations, by a solid Peace, founded on a just distribution of force between the Powers, and contain- ́ ing in its stipulations the guarantee of its duration; and his Majesty the Emperor of Austria, King of Hungary and Bohemia, and his Allies, no longer wishing to exact from France at the present moment, when being replaced under the paternal government of her Kings, she thus offers to Eu

King of France and Navarre, M. Charles Maurice Talleyrand Perigorde, Prince of Benevento, Grand Eagle of the Legion of Honour, Grand Cross of the Order of Leopold of Austria, Knight of the Order of St. Andrew of Russia, of the Orders of the Black and Red Eagle of Prussia, &c. his Minister and Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs; and his Majesty the Emperor of Austria, King of Hungary and Bohemia, M. M. Prince Clement Wenceslas Lothaire, of Metternich Win