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Sir Robert Wilson's book falsely ascribes | clamation promises, that the persons holdto him, if it had been true, would haveing the administrative and judicial powers been attributable to Divine Providence, and shall keep their places. It promises the not to Buonaparté, any more than my flog-same as to the Senate. Now, either these ging publication was attributable to my persons are the best that could have been pen.- The TIMES news-paper, of a few found in France, or, they are not. If the days ago, under the name of a person of the latter, is it just to keep them in their name of BURDON, asserts, in addition to places? If they are not fit persons, and do all the other abominable falsehoods vomit- not properly administer the laws, would it ed forth against this great soldier and le- not be a detestable act to keep them where gislator, that he caused, in Italy, many they are, and to leave the property and thousands of persons to be buried alive, lives of the people at their disposal? And, even soldiers of his own army. But, sup- if they are the fittest men that could be posing this to be as true as it is false, does found in France; if they do take good care not this Proclamation sanction the deed, of the property and lives of the people, by asserting that Napoleon has been an in- what can the people of France wish for strument of the wrath of Divine Provi- more? And what are they to get from the dence? That is to say, by asserting, that proposed change? What does this propoGod forced him to bury these people alive? sition offer them but a mere change of soveNay, it asserts, in fact, that God did the act; reigns, without any offer, without any because no act can be said to be done by hope, of being better, with a risk; at least, the tool made use of in doing it; and be- of being worse off? When one man, in cause the law says, that he who does an common life, wishes to supplant another, act by another, does it himself.” be it in whatsoever line it may, he offers to What injustice, upon the principle of this the parties interested some advantage ór Proclamation, is it, therefore, to call for other. Let me, says A to B, supply you vengeance; for punishment; and even for with shoes instead of C. For what? says the Divine vengeance; upon the head of B. Why, says A, you shall have your Napoleon? For, if men are so wicked, so shoes of the same quality cheaper; or, of a impious, as to wish to punish a fellow man better quality at the prices of C. Here is for having executed the will of God, what a motive for the change; but, what motive a horrible idea is it, that God should punish does the Proclamation hold out? None at a man for doing what he himself has in- all, if we except the mighty consideration duced him, enabled him, and compelled of being again under the sway of the dehim to do?- -But, the Proclamation goes scendants of St. Louis; and, I dare say, further; for, it not only asserts, that Napo- that, by this time, the people of France leon has been an instrument in the hands of have very little preference for the persons God, but says, that he has been an instru- of sainted kings. But, the Senate isto - ment of God's wrath. This embraces all remain; and, moreover, it is designated as the acts of severity imputed to Napoleon containing men justly distinguished by their and his armies. It was, according to this talents and their services. Be it, in the Proclamation, God who made him go to first place, remembered, that it was NapoMoscow; to overset the Bourbons in Spain; leon who instituted this body; that it was to kill the Duke of Brunswick; to capture he who chose these men of talents and of Berlin and Vienna; to drive out the King services; that, in short, it was he who and Queen of Naples; to eject the Italian made this very thing, which the Bourbons Princes; to take away the dominions and promise to support.- -The writers of the power of the Pope; and to keep the Bour- Proclamation may, indeed, say, that it was bons from their throne. According to the not he, but God through him; so that here principle of the Proclamation, all these he would not appear as the instrument of persons and places merited what has been God's wrath, but of his blessings. Howdone to them, unless the authors of it are ever, if you deprive him of the merit here, ready to say, that Divine Providence has you must, in common conscience, exonerate been unjust.- -At any rate, if we adopt him from the blame as to all the rest of his this principle, we must acquit Napoleon of acts, and must suppress all your vindictive all blame; and, if we suppose the people wishes against him.But, leaving Diof France to be endowed with only com- vine Providence, for the present, out of the • mon sense, and a very small portion even question, what motive is there here held out of that, we must suppose, that they will see to the people of France to accept of the the matter in the same light. The Pro- offer of the Bourbons?' They are told, that

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the Senate contains men of great talents and virtues, and that it shall remain a part of the government. Well, then, the people of France need no change whatever to secure to them the services of the Senate. They have the Senate now. They are promised nothing more; and, they may very reasonably suppose, that no one is so likely to preserve this body as he who has created it. The offer, in short, which they here have again, is that of a risk of loss, without even the hope of any gain to counterbalance that risk.- -Was there ever, in the whole world, any man, in his senses, that accepted of such an offer? Men very often give the ready money out of their hands, and risk the loss of it upon a promissory note; but, as a compensation for this risk, they have the interest of their money, which, by lying dead in their hands, would bring them nothing. But, who changes his money against a promise to be paid the same sum again? Who ever voluntarily runs a risk without the hope of gain?The same observations apply to the promise, made in the Proclamation, as to the ownership of properly. --It "engages to interdict all proceedings "in the Tribunals, contrary to the settle"ments now in existence." -This refers to the property, which includes a great part of all the lands of France, which was, by the Republican government, taken from the Grown, the Church, and the Nobility, and sold to individuals. What will these proprietors say, in answer to such a promise? I know very well what I should say, if I were one of them. I should answer thus: You may be perfectly sincere, but I do not know that you are; and, if I knew you to be sincere, I should not know, that you would have the power to act according to your intentions. If you are restored, you must restore the Nobility and the Church; and, what would these be without property? Be your intentions, therefore, what they may, I * cannot be certain, that they will be acted upon, and that your promise will be fulfilled. But, I know that I have my property now; I know, that the quiet pos⚫ session of it is secured to me, not only by the settled laws, but by the interests of all my rulers, great and small. I know, that, if no change take place in my rulers, my property is safe. I know, that I cannot gain by your offer; and I know, that I risk the loss of my all. Therefore, I not only reject any proposition, tending to shift the government into your

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'hands; but, common sense, self-preservation, dictate to me to make every exertion in my power to prevent such a change.'To the Generals and Soldiers, indeed, who shall signalize themselves in his cause, the King offers rewards more substantial, distinctions more honourable, than those they possess. That is to say, he will reward them if they will, by means of a civil war, or any other means in violation of their oath to Napoleon; to him who has created the Tribunals and Senate (which are to remain) assist in restoring the Bourbons! However, there is something in this. More is offered than what is at present enjoyed. But to whom? Why, to that part of the nation who have arms in their hands. To those who have little, or nothing, to lose; to those, who, before they accept of the offer, must betray him, to whom they have sworn fidelity; to those who have it in their power, perhaps, to compel the people to risk the loss of their property in exchange for a promise, which the promiser will not, perhaps, have the power to fulfil.If this offer be calculated to gain the army, I am sure it is calculated to excite indignation in the rest of the people; and that, upon the whole, it must make more against the Bourbons than for them. We now come to the most important promise of all; namely, TO PRESERVE THE CODE NAPOLEON. We will pass over the words, "polluted by the name Napoleon," as a silly expression, interpolated, let us hope, by some cock-a-hoop parasite, and not emanating from the mind of Louis XVIII, of whom I would avoid speaking with any degree of disrespect, and the sipcerity of whose intentions I do not wish to call in question. To the same source we will impute the strange assertion, that this Code," for the most part, contains only "the ancient ordinances and customs of " the realm;" for, to ascribe this assertion to Louis XVIII, would be to do him great dishonour, seeing that nothing was ever more untrue. We shall, by-andby, see what those ancient ordinances "and customs" were; we shall see how they ground an industrious, an ingenious, a gallant people, in the fairest part of the world, down into slaves of the lowest cast; how they peopled the galleys and the jails; how they spread misery and death around them. And those who have read the Code Napoleon, civil as well as criminal, know, that it has completely abolished those horrible laws and customs.But, for the

sake of the argument, and to place the va- nious priests, to make the property of the lue of this promise as high as possible, let church closely connected with the doctrines us, for the present, suppose all the inter- of religion; and thus, without any breach larded assertions to be true.If it be of promise, the whole of those persons who true, then, that Napoleon has formed a have purchased that property, might be code, for the most part consisting of the left to beg their bread, not without some ancient ordinances and customs of the danger of being punished as heretics. realm, only that these are here so embodied Here, at any rate, the Proclamation is a and arranged as to give them a more uni- denunciation against the proprietors; and form effect, and a more easy application, the only thing that astonishes one is, how with what justice: . . . . no, I will not any man in his senses could suppose it talk of justice in a case where he is the ob- likely to seduce the people of France from ject of attack; but, with what consistency; their present ruler.After all, and upon with what sense, is coupled with this as- a review of the whole matter, what does sertion, the assertion that his government this Proclamation amount to? What does is that of a capricious lyrant? If he rule it hold out to the people of France? What by the same laws that the Bourbons ruled boon does it promise them? What are the by, and, if he be a capricious tyrant, what blessings which they are to enjoy if they were they? And, what is still more accept of the King's generous offer? Why, worthy of being asked, what do they intend they are to enjoy the same property which to be, if they intend to govern by the same they now enjoy; the same degree of libercode which he has established?- -Here, ty; the same law-makers; the same laws; as in the former instances, there is a risk the same executors of those laws; and the of loss, without the offer of any gain, even same army. This is the offer; this is the contingent. Either the Code, as it now boon tendered to them; these are the only stands, is good or bad. If bad, what mo- blessings, which an exiled king can find tive is held out to the people to make a out to promise his people as a reward for change which is only to perpetuate it? If their undertaking a civil war for his restogood, what motive to run even the slightest ration.Is it possible for the mind of risk of losing it, or of seeing it impaired? man to invent a higher compliment to the Is it reasonable to suppose, that the peo- person who now governs France? is it ple of France will think this Gode safer in possible to discover more forcible means of the hands of those, who wish to overthrow convincing them, that they ought to venand utterly destroy him who has establish- ture the shedding of the last drop of their ed it, than in the hands of that person him- blood to maintain the government of that self?The promise, in this case, as in person?And, I should be glad to hear all the others, amounts to nothing more than what can be said by those unprincipled that of not injuring the people of France; men, in this country, who are incessantly but, to this generous, this munificent pro- crying out against the tyranny of Na-: mise, there is, in the present case, a re-poleon, when they see it, in so soleman servation; yes, a reservation tacked by way of rider even to a promise, which, in its greatest extent is no more than a negalive.- -There is an exception made with regard to the doctrines of religion.

manner, avowed by him whom they call the King of France, that, if restored to his throne, the utmost that he can promise is to secure to his people that which they now enjoy under this same Napoleon? One Some priest must have advised this. The would think, that, if this Proclamation be good sense of Louis XVIII, and his suf- calculated to produce no other good effect, ferings from this source more than from it might produce that of striking dumb their any other, would surely have prevented calumnious impudence. But (I had him from the making of this exception. nearly overlooked it) there is one thing, -What is meant by the doctrines of promised by the Proclamation, which, "religion ?" The Code Napoleon does though still of a negative kind, would make not meddle with those doctrines in any a change for the better; namely; the proother way than as it leaves every man to mise to abolish the canscription. Yes, and follow his own opinions as to religion, and so will Napoleon, when he has made peace. compels no man to belong to any particular The conscription is founded on no estasect, except the Royal Family, whose reli- blished law; it is not a thing of permanent gion is to be that of the Roman Catholic. duration; it is to meet the emergencies of This exception, therefore, leaves room, war; and, though we affect not to perceive and very little would be wanted to inge-the fact, it is, and must be, well known

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to the people of France. Besides, what is a conscription? What is it but a ballot for military service? And, have not we ballots for military service? The nature of the service differs in some degree; but are not we too compelled to wear soldiers' clothes, to carry arms, and to submit to military discipline and law, and to be flogged too, if we disobey that law? -I shall be told, that we are not compelled to go on foreign service. Ours is an island. France is not so situated. If our Local militia were in France, they would, if in a county on the frontier, be liable to meet the enemy. Besides, the arming of men always must suppose the possibility, and even the strong probability, of their being called upon to use those arms; else why are they armed at all? Why are they compelled to submit to military law?So that, after all, this conscription; this ballot for military service, an end of which is the only thing which the Proclamation speaks of as a change for the better, amounts to just nothing at all; besides, that the conscription falls indiscriminately upon the whole nation, while, as we shall soon see, the ballot for the militia did, under the Bourbons, fall upon the common people only, So much, then, for this famous, this published and re-published Proclamation, which, as, I think, I have clearly shown, taking it in its best light, supposing the Bourbons to be perfectly sincere in their professions, and to have full power to give effect to their intentions, is calculated to unite the French nation as one man in defence of their present ruler and his house, instead of inducing them to side with those who wish to overthrow him.But, in estimating the probable power of this document in effecting the object which it has in view, we must not, blind as we are, quite overlook its local origin and the channels, through which it is passing, and by which it is recommended to the people of France. They will not fail to perceive, that it comes to them (supposing them to see it) from England. If they read it in the Times news paper, or in the Courier, or in almost any of our prints, they will see it accompanied with the most outrageous attacks upon themselves. They will also see,. that those very persons, who patronise this Proclamation, do, in the very same prints, breathe destruction, not only to Napoleon, but to the power of the French nation; that they insist upon the necessity of humbling, reducing, punishing the French people themselves for their past

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actions. The people of France, putting these facts together; seeing that the Proclamation is applauded and circulated by those, who wish to see them punished, will not fail to draw the appropriate conclusion.We might now leave this Proclamation to make its way, in the world, But, justice to the Emperor Napoleon; and, a still more powerful motive, justice to the people of France, who seem to remain firm in their attachment to him; these demand an inquiry into the nature and effect of the Bourbon government; into the situation of the people of that fine country, while they were ruled by those ancient Ordinances and Customs, of which the.. Proclamation says, the Code Napoleon, for the most part consists.WHAT, then, were those Ordinances and Gustoms? How did they affect this industrious and gallant people? Were they free and happy, or were they slaves, and miserable, under those Ordinances and Customs? It is notorious, that, for ages, previous to the French revolution, we, in this country, constantly described the French as slaves; our histories, our moral essays, our political writings, our poems, our plays, all describe them as slaves, and as cowards for submitting to such a government as then existed. Now, indeed, our conductors of news-papers, with a degree of impudence absolutely without parallel, abuse the French people for having destroyed the PATERNAL sway of the Bourbons!Let us now see, then, what was the nature of that paternal sway ;” and, when we have taken a full view of it, and of its effects, we shall be able to judge, whether it be probable, that the people of France will listen to those, who are endeavouring to bring them back to the blessings of that "paternal sway.' But, how are we to get at a true account of the nature and effects of the Bourbon government? We must resort to some autharily to somebody's word, whose word is to be relied on.The authority, to which I am about to refer, is that of Ma. ARTHUR YOUNG, who is, and who has been, for many years past, Secretary to the Board of Agriculture, with a salary, paid. by the public, of £500 a year. Mr. Young is, in the first place, a man of great, talents; and, perhaps, it is impossible to find out a person so fit to be referred to as Mr. Young. His studies had been of that kind, which peculiarly fitted him for an inquiry of this description; and, he was in France at precisely the time for making it.

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taxes, were distributed among districts, parishes, and individuals, at the pleasure of the intendant, who could exempt, change, add, or diminish, at pleasure. Such an enormous power, constantly acting, and from which no man was free, must, in the nature of things, degenerate in many cases into absolute tyranny. It must be obvi

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He made, during the years 1787, 1788, excesses could not be common in any counand 1789, an agricultural and politico- try; and they were reduced almost to noeconomical survey of the kingdom of France. thing, from the accession of the present He was there when the revolution began King. The great mass of the people, by he was there during its progress until the which I mean the lower and middle ranks, new constitution was formed. He was not could suffer very little from such engines, only living in great intimacy with many of and as few of them are objects of jealousy, the most respectable leaders in that work; had there been nothing else to complain of, but, he himself, crossing the kingdom in all it is not probable they would ever have directions, made himself minutely acquaint- been brought to take arms. The abuses ed, by the means of personal inquiry and attending the levy of taxes were heavy and the evidence of his senses, of every particu- universal. The kingdom was parcelled lar, relating to the nature and effect of those into generalities, with an intendant at the "ancient Ordinances and Customs," of head of each, into whose hands the whole which the Bourbon Proclamation boasts, power of the crown was delegated for every During his travels, he gives an account thing except the military authority; but of these, by citing numerous instances, of particularly for all affairs of finance. The the abominable tyranny, under which the generalities were subdivided into elections, people groaned; and, at the close of his at the head of which was a sub-delegué, work, he publishes reflections on the Revo-appointed by the intendant. The rolls of lution, beginning with a summary descrip- | the taille, capitation, vingtiemes, and other tion of the state of the people under the Bourbon government, and, to the evidences of his own observation, adding, as he proceeds, the complaints, contained in the Cahiers, that is to say, the lists of complaints, made to the National Assembly by the most respectable people of the different provinces, to which Cahiers he refers in the This part of Mr. Young's work, Tam now about to insert. I beg the reader ambassador in France, about the year 1755, to go through it with attention. He will negociating the fixing of the limits of the Ame rican colonies, which, three years after, prosee how every part of it applies to the sub-duced the war, calling one day on the minister ject on which we are, and also to the pre- for foreign affairs, was introduced, for a few sent crisis. -When he has read it to the minutes, into his cabinet, while he finished a end, not omitting the Notes, I shall have short conversation in the apartment in which he to trouble him with some further observa- usually received those who conferred with him. As his lordship walked backwards and forwards, tions of my own: in a very small room (a French cabinet is never á large one), he could not help seeing a paper lying on the table, written in a large legible hand, and containing a list of the prisoners in the Bastile, in which the first name was Gordon. When the minister entered, Lord Albeniarle apologized for his involuntarily remarking the paper; the other replied, that it was not of the least consequence, for they made no secret of the names. Lord A. then said, that he had seen the name of Gordon first in the list, and he begged to know, as in all probability the person of this name was a British subject, on what account he had been put into the Bastile. The minister told him, that he knew nothing of the matter, .but would make the proper inquiries. The next time he saw Lord Albemarle, be informed him, that, ou inquiring into the case of Gordon, he could find no person who could give him the least information; on which he had had Gordon himself interrogated, who solemnly affirmed, that he had not the smallest knowledge, or even suspicion, of the-cause of his imprisonment, but that he had been confined 30-years; however, added the minister, I ordered him to be immediately released, and he is now at large. Such a case wants no comment.

notes.

ON THE REVOLUTION OF FRANCE.

The gross infamy which attended lettres de cachet and the Bastile, during the whole reign of Louis XV. made them esteemed in England, by people not well informed, as the most prominent features of the despotism of France. They were certainly car ried to an excess hardly cridible to the -length of being sold, with blanks, to be filled up with names at the pleasure of the purchaser; who was thus able, in the gratification of private revenge, to tear a man from the bosom of his family, and bury him in a dungeon, where he would exist forgotten, and die unknown But such košje atsiseid

9? An anecdote, which I have from an authority to be depended on, will explain the profligacy of government, in respect to these arbitrary imprisonments. Lord Albemarle, when

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