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wares and merchandizes, without duty. I that could happen for the happiness and Then might we drink l'in de Grere at freedom of the people of England them. four pence a quart, and the French might selves. It has been said, that your minishave good sharp knive3 well-finished to ters do not readily consent to any stipulation out their meat with, at a cheap rate. Why for the abolition of the Slave Trade ; and, should they not be allowed to send us wine your Majesty will please to observe, that as well as cows, hogs, and poultry? If, this is likely to become a very fruitful topic ideed, a treaty like this were proposed of abuse oá you and the French nation. on our part, I should call you illiberal It is my opinion, that France would be betfor not agrecing to it. But, if it be- ter, that she would be more powerful, more come a matter of custom-bouse rates, moral, more happy, and likely to continue then these must be the best judges of more free, without any colonies at all. But, the terms, who have to settle them after if her rulers think otherwise, it is for them minute examination and discussion.- What to decide upon the justice and the policy of however, I more particularly wish to point abolishing the Slave Trade.- To dictate to out, is, the language these enemies of free them what they shall do in this respect is to dom assume upon this occasion. They al- interfere in their domestic concerns. It is, ways, when speaking of our relationships in fact, to take the government of the terwith France, talk like bullies. They will ritory of France out of their hands.- Negive you no colonies, unless you give them vertheless this is to be made, I can see, the a commercial treaty? That is to say, unless ground of much abuse on you and your peoyou give them the better part of the resour-ple. Craft and cant come in here to the ces of France. That is their plain mcan- aid of a hatred of freedom ; for, it is a noing. They wish to force a commercial trea- torious fact, that, amongst those who have ty upon you ; and yet they have the impu- been, in this country, the most busy in the dence to call it an equitable commercial work of Black freedom, we find the most treaty. If it be intended to be equitable ; determined in the work of ensuring White that is to say, if it be intended to give you Slavery.-For my part, I wish that Euroas great advantages as it acquires from you, peans had no slaves, black or white. But, why do they talk of compulsion.? If I have it must not be overlooked, that we have had an article which I am about to exchange time to do away this trade; and that France with 'my neighbour for an article of the has not; and,' it is very probable, that to same value, do I quarrel with him because give her back colonies without leaving her he declines the offer? Much less do I at the trade, would be to give her the means tempt to force him to make the exchange. of making her poor and weak. I have, Any such attempt would betray a conscious- above, quoted what the Times newspaper ness, on my part, that the exchange propo- has said upon the subject. I will now shew sed by me was not so very equitable!' We, your Majesty what you have to expect at it is said, propose to France a commercial the hands of others. The Courier, of the treaty, equally advantageous to both nations. 23d of May, says :-“There have been, if Either it is as advantageous to France as “there be not now, some obstacles in the it is to us, or it is not. If the former, we negociation, one of which we understand can lose nothing by your Majesty's reject- “ related to the Slave Trade Great Briing the ofler ; if the latter, it is your duty “tain demanded the abolition of the Slave to reject it. A commercial treaty is a bar.“ Trade by France as one of the conditions gain between two dealers ; and, it is some “ of the treaty; and the King of France thing new in trade, that, because one deal-“ demurred; or, according to report, refuer declines making a bargain with another,“ sed to actede to the demand. He called the former is to be attacked and treated as it, absurdly enough, interfering in the inan enemy. One man offers another a price “ ternal Government of the French Colofor his land, but the former, because the of-“ nies. What! is preventing the traffic with fer is declined, does not treat the latter as a Africa in human blood an interference foe. In short, these writers, and their like, " in the internal administration of a French looked upon your Majesty's return to France “ Island in the West Indies? If Louis as the means of degrading and crippling “XVIII. persist in this refusal, he will be France, and of making her, with her fine“ far indeed from having turned adversity soil and climate, little less than a colony of to proper account. We should have England ; which, if it were possible to ac thought it would have made him anxious

complishe would be the very worst thing/" to soften as much as possible tle miserisi Dutcointa 4

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of the human race, and that he would " and slavery! We trust the rumour is “ have rendered any demand from us to false, and that the residence of the Bour“ abolish the Slave Trade wholly unnecessa bon family for so many years in this

ry. However, there is one way in which country, has endued their minds with we trust our able Negociator treated this wisdom, and their hearts with feeling, refusal, supposing the report to be correct,

to withstand

any

advice that may be given $* which we hope it is not.-— Noabolition them, so horrible and inhuman as the “ No Colonies. We will not part with one preservation of that traffic would be,”---" of the French colonies-no, nor shall you This is the sort of language now to be used. “ have admission to the West Indies or the The cant of the most cunning lypocrites on " East, unless you distinctly accede to the earth is now to be played off

' against your “ demand which God and Nature justify us Majesty. A good way to meet the propo4 in insisting upon, the Abelition of the sition would be to propose to extend the " Slave Trade.”The Niorning Chronicle, abolition to all the slavery of whites; to all of the same day, says:—“We must receive vassals, or whatever else they be called, " the various reports of the terms of the who are bought ond sold in any,

and

every, "treaty of peace now negociating at Paris part of Europe ! For, why should you have " with reserve, at least, because they are more feeling for blacks than for whites ? “evidently not finally settled. That some This proposition would be a ground for " impediment has occurred, we believe ; great and puzzling discussion. For my “ and we lament to hear that it is of a part, I am much more anxious about the s nature to excite the indignation of every .lįberties of 30 millions of Frenchimen, than

enlightened min in Europe. It is said about those of, perhaps, 100,000 Blacks, " that a disposition has manifested itself though I wish not to see them in slavery. * in the French Court, to resist the inzer- I shall be very well contented, if I find, “tion of an article in the Treaty with res that the brave and ingenious and amiable

pect to the Slave Trade. Will it be be- people of France are free; that they possess “ lieved, after all that has happened, that their property in security; that there is no “the Boarbons hesitate to follow up that hypocritical system of oppression either on

act of christian and moral. beneficence their purses or their persons ; that they are “ which England had the glory to begin, not cheated by a sham representation, that " and which even the mosi sanguinary they are not made mere sponges, to be * members of Revolutionary France sup- squcezed by the Government; that they “ ported? A writer, in a paper of yesterday, are not mocked by the forins of liberty and

says, with eloquent force — The Stałes of law; that they are not insulted by being Eirope are to be called

upon by England told that they are free, while they are, in “ to make a sacrifice, and great importanoc effect, the most degraded of slaves; that " will hereafter be attached to this single tiiey are not compelled to work like slaves “ demand, which is all she thinks it worth at the oar, to pamper the sons and daughi“ber while to make, on this occasion of al- ters of corruption ; that they are not made “ most universal acquirement. She is now the prey of an endless swarm of tame " about to name the reward she sceks for cheaters. In short, if I see the people “ all s'e has done. Considering how high- of France fairly represented in the Legis“ ly her services are extolled, and how luture, I shall be quite content to leave to

widely they are acknowledged, our Allies that Legislature and your Majesty, to fix

must be prepared to find it of immense the period of abolishing of the black slave “6 valuc :aad so it is. She demands that trade. -But, I cannot conclude this “a foul felony may be discontinued, of Number of my Address to your Majesty, “ which a vast Continent is the perpetrator, without pointing out to you the inconsist" and a vaster is the victim! She de-ency of these writers, in respect of the “ manes that Furope may be rescued from Slave Trade. They now cry ont against

enormous guilt, and Africa from hideous the slavery of the Blacks. The Blacks they “ misery ; she demands the Abolition of find to be quite fit for the enjoyment of “ the Slave Trade !' And this, we are freedem. But, it was only six days ago, “ told, the French Court hesitates at least, that they deprecated the attempt to esta“ if not refuses, to accede! The return of blish a free government in France, be“their Colonies is nothing, they say, with cause, said they, THE FRENCH ARE

out the horrible means of cultivating NOT FITTED FOR SUCH A GO“ them, by human degradation, torment, | VERNMENT! Aye, and they regretted,

You are

“ for the sake of HUMANITY,” (vile When she has arranged her government, hypocrites!) that your Majesty was pledg- we shall be able to describe her situation ; ed to make the experiment ! They have to examine and to show the effects of that only one step further to go: to recommend government; to make comparisons between to the Allies, not to evacuate France, nor it and other governments; to look into to release the French prisoners of war, un- things with our own eyes ; to go to the less you stipulate to make the people of spot, and report to those who cannot go. France slaves.-From all this your Ma- And, what have the advocates of our own jesty, and every sensible Frenchman, will system to fear from this ?-Napolcon ha! clearly perceive, that these writers have the power of doing more good than any constantly in view the means of ruining man that ever lived, and he certainly did your country; and that which is the great a great deal, though he did soine haym. object of my Address, is, to impress upon the But your Majesty stands next to him in minds of Frenchimen, that those who are for point of power to do good, without the using every possible means of weakening and temptation to do harm.

ere at degrailing France, are also for using every the head of that people, whose example, possible means of preventing the establish- in the course of a few years, must be nient of a free constitution in that country. followed; and, therefore, every act of I have shown, that these persons are la- yours. becomes an object of anxious sobouring to cause your Galleries and Mu- licitude with every man who wishes well seums to be stripped ; to prevent you from to his species. Napoleon often spoke of having colonies ; to narrow your ancient his great plans for the benefit of mankind, dominions; to cause the allied armies to and I see no reason to doubt of bis sinremain in France in the pay of England ; cerity. But his means were of the wrong to inculcate the opinion, that France is the sort. They were suited only to the de. same under you as under Napoleon ; and stroying of tyranny and corruption. They that it is the duty of Englishmen always were necessary to that part of the great to look on her as radically and systemati- work. It remains for your Majesty to ailly our enemy; to prevent the release of proceed in it by means of a more amiable the French prisoners of war; to compelkind. It is your happy lot to be able to you to reduce your army so low as to spread freedom and happiness over Europe leave your country without defence: and by the example of a people, who always I have also shown, that it is these same have, and always will, give the faslijou to persons, who express their

regret that you the world. have pledged yourself to the establishment of a government, in which the people shall

To MR. CCKE. be really represented in the Legislature. On the Dispute about Corn. Having shown this, I think that I may SIR-It has surprised me very much to safely leave your Majesty and the French see that you have given yourself any trounation to draw the proper conclusion. I ble about the Corn Laws. The people, who wish not to take credit for unusual libe thrive by spreading delusion, were sure to rality. My motives are, perhaps, full as abuse you. They were sure to represunt riational as those of my opponents; but, I you, who are so liberal a man, in all your hope, not chargeable with the baseness transactions in life, as a graspirg monopgmanifestly belonging to theirs. They lizer; as a man wishing tọ pinch those world exterminate the French nation, in very poor, who are fed out of your fortheir fear of its becoming a bright example tone. They, who, by hook or by crook, to the world. I am of opinion, that for pocket part of the money which

you pay France to be powerful, prosperous, and in taxes, were sure to hold you np as an really free, would be a great blessing to oppressor. Had I been in your place, Sir, the people of Engkınd. There is nothiog I would have left the passing of Corn which a friend of freedom in England Laws to those who are for raising great ought to dread so much as the enfeebling sums of taxes from the produce of the and enslaving of France. Not only in com. It was not discreet in you, give me Spain, and in Italy, and in Holland, are leave to say it, to expose yourself to the people waiting to see what France will attacks of the herd of vulgar politicians, do; but the

eyes of all Europe are upou whose brains seem to be in their bellies. her; and her example must produce a Only look at the trash which they are great effect on the future lot of mankind. publishing upon this subject, and of which

the following, from The Times newspaper, " able falling off in their profits. In short, of the 23d inst. is a pretty good specinten : property will shift its channels. Go« In my former remarks, I predicted that “ vernment cannot and ought not to em“ if the present measures for making a total |“ bank and keep up any particular species 6. alteration in the Corn Laws were per “ far beyond its natural level. It may and 6 sisted in, in the spirit then shown, a very “it ought to take care that the fall should “ frw days would see the tables of the two not be too violeat.

Motos componere “ Houses of Parliament covered with pe- Airctus. That is all it has to do. But " titions. My words have been fulfilled some greedy and avaricions individuals " and are fulfilling, and yet there are per “ have hit upon a plan to perpetuate, as “sons so desperate that they wonld endea-" they foolishly think, their own extrava“ vour to force on the mcasures alluded to, gant gains, at the expence of the com" not only by precipitation, but by intimi- "munity. Fools! not to see that they " dation. They would brand every oppo

“ will in vain strive to raise themselves on ** sition to an unreasonable mon poly of the the depression of their country. View.

public food with the name of sedition. "ing this nofarious scheme in the light I - They have even dared to stigmatise as do, I must assume that its original in* seditious the conduct of a gentleman, ventors were not among the national " whose long and laborious public life “ representatives.”—Thus, you see, Sir, « leaves us in doubt which most to admire, you have obtained the honour to be put “ the hardihood or the folly of the slan- upon a level with officers of the army and tó derer. This violent and factious ca- navy, proctors and bailiffs of prize courts,

lamny, I trust, will not deter any upright dealers in omnium, contractors, and the like.

servant of the public from doing his dutz;. Well! It is just. It is really just. For “ 'The true sower of sedition is he, who, to the country gentlemen of England, to (• stimulated by a spirit of rapacity and their submission to the Minister of the day “ extortion, urges the precipitate adoption it is, that they owe what they now experi% of measures, which must of necessity ence. It is to this that they have to attristbrow the whole empire into confusion, bute, that every saucy placeman and pen6 and render the landowners of the coun-sioner now flouts them to their face. It is to

trg objects of su: spition and hatred to the them that we owe the want of a Reform,

manufacturing and mercantile interests, which would baye protected them a great “ without any real benefit to the great deal more effectually than all the Corn

body of the agricultural populatìon.- Lauvs that ever were invented. They were Sir, the return of peace, after so many afraid of a disorganizing spirit, and they years

of a war which has convulsed Eu- now feel theeflects of their conduct.-Look, rope to its centre, naturally presented to Sir, at the language of this man. Ile calls people of all classes in this country the your efforts an endeavour to secure a monocheering hope that the burthens which poly of the PUBLIC food! you are charged

they had borne with unexampled patience (for it is you who is meant) with calumny " should be fairly and equitably lightened. on an " upright serrant of the PUBLIC!" “None, but the wild and visionary, When it suits their purpose, they call such

thought, that all our evils were suddenly people servants of the King; but, upon to vanish ; none but the grossly selfish this occasion, they call them servants of the and avaricious imagined, that in time of publie! Yon are accused of rapacity and peace they were to enjoy the exclusive extortion. You! wlio, I dare say, never

advantages which the war had thrown took so much rent as you might, without " into their hands. I have not heard that any difficulty, have obtained.

You! who " the officers of the army and navy have are known to be so generous a landlord and

thought of petitioning Government to a master, and such a liberal encourager of “continue their fult pay and allowances, industry and virtue, and who has spent “ or that the proctors and agents in the so large a portion of your time in pur

prize courts have ventured to pray for a suits tending to the benefit of others ! And supply of business at the public cxpence. all this you are taunted with by a raitill,

I suppose the deakrs in Omnium must perhaps, whose foriune is made up of a part “ be satisfied to sec their golden harvest of the taxes, collected from your owne state!

pretty much curtailed; and the Con- But, again, I say, it is your own fault, and “Tractors fir the supply of naval mi- the fault of the other country geutlemen.-"" litary stores must experience a consider-/ You must bear the grating sound of the

words, which tell you that you have been a money. Indeed they can have only balf as monopolizer, and that you want to continue much. It is the business of those, therethe monopoly. How it must please you. fore, who want the taxes, to endeavour to How soit it must sound to your ears, to keep up the price of cora, and not your buhear yourself confounded with those, whom siness, who are merely a funnel for the you have been paying out of your estate! taxes.—The wild notion of the writer, above To hear the amount of your rents, a large quoted, is, that you have profited from the part of which go to pay the contractors, reck- war! That you have been one of those, oned amongst the BCRDENS of the peo- who shared in the good things of the war. ple, woich ought to diminish along with the And that now you wish to keep up your gains of the contractors. The burdens full pay after the war has ceased! Just as which people expected to be lightened, we if you had not been paying wages and prices are here told, included the price of the baf; and taxes in due proportion to the price and the landowner is here exhibited as of corn; and just as if the paper-money, mre avaricious than the contractor, be- which actually exchanges at 30 per centum cause he wishes to perpetuate his extrava- loss against the money of France, had made gant grins even after the war is over, at no difference in the thing.–However, Sir, the experce of the com nuniy-There all sorts of absurdities you will hear upon is no rets ving with this. It is too outra- this subject ; and we are not yet come to giously impudent to reason with. It is, the period when the clamour will be loudest. however, the popular talk of the day. This If the harvest of this year should be bad; corrupt press and the Lancasterian schools, if blights should come very generally; if a will, upon this subject at any rate, beat rea- milde w should, for our sins, pay us a visit. son out of the field. The number who eat In short, if the crop should be remarkably bread so far exceed those who grow wheat, unproductive, you must be sensible, that we or own lands, that the odds against you are shall see wheat again at eight pounds a fearful indied; and that was a fact well quarter. Then! Then you will hear the known to the false and cunning loon who out-cry about monopoly! Then you will was making this attack, and who, while he hear the clamour about the corn-law's, espewas, perhaps, one of the causes of the pan- cially if the American war should continue, perism that covers the country, had the ad- and there should be a short crop on the Con: dress to throw the blame upon you, whose tinent.-It appears to me, that Sir Francis income has gone to enrich hin and to pre- , Burdett takes the wise course in these matvent the poor from actually starving.--No, ters. He knows very well, that it is not be Sir ; had I heen in your place, they never who profits from bigh prices. He knows should have heard my voice in support of that he must pay in proportion to bis rents any law, the professel object of which is to and the price of corn. He knows, that he protect the farmer, but the real tendency cannot stay, for one moment, the regular of which must be, if it has any effect at all, march of things. And he, therefore, always to keep up the amount of the ares. In the hoids his tongue as to these matters of petty. last Number of the Register I made this legislation. Law cannot give you price propos tion as clear as day-light; or, at any more than it can give you sun-shine and least, if I did not, it is out of my power to showers. The whole quantity imported in make it, or any thing clse, clear. If I had a year makcs, so small an addition to the been a landowner like you, I would have amount of the crop, that it is of no consesaid nothing. It should, for me, have been quence worth notics; and that peace does the act of the Ministry and their majority. not and cannot make any material differI sl:ould have viewed myself, in the ques-ence permanently in the price of corn, is a tion, not as the owner of property, but as a proposition which experience has proved, channel, or funnel, or conductor of taxųs; and which reason wou'd easy have proved, and a very trifling portion of arithmetic if experience had been wanting. If the Mi would have enabled you to know, that low nisters thought, that, by passing a law, they prices were as good for me as high prices. could keep up the price of corn, they, upon Perhaps, for I speak without bock, there that notion, acted wisely; because they, by may be raised in England and Wales four keeping up the price of corn, kept up their millions of quarters of wheat. If it sell taxes; and they discovered no little adfor twelve millions of money, the Govern- dress in getting the landowners for their ment cannot have so much taxes out of it allies in the thing, because these, as being, as if it sold for twenty-four millions of according to the vulgar idea, the parties

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