on selves.-It has been said, that your ministers do not readily consent to any stipulation for the abolition of the Slave Trade; and, your Majesty will please to observe, that this is likely to become a very fruitful topic of abuse on you and the French nation.It is my opinion, that France would be better, that she would be more powerful, more moral, more happy, and likely to continue more free, without any colonies at all. But, if her rulers think otherwise, it is for them to decide upon the justice and the policy of abolishing the Slave Trade.-To dictate to them what they shall do in this respect is to interfere in their domestic concerns. It is, in fact, to take the government of the territory of France out of their hands.-Nevertheless this is to be made, I can see, the ground of much abuse on you and your peoCraft and cant come in here to the wares and merchandizes, without duty. I that could happen for the happiness and Then might we drink in de Grave at freedom of the people of England themfour pence a quart, and the French might have good sharp knives well-finished to cut their meat with, at a cheap rate. Why should they not be allowed to send us wine as well as cows, hogs, and poultry? If, indeed, a treaty like this were proposed our part, I should call you illiberal for not agreeing to it. But, if it become a matter of custom-house rates, then these must be the best judges of the terms, who have to settle them after minute examination and discussion.-What however, I more particularly wish to point out, is, the language these enemies of freedom assume upon this occasion. They always, when speaking of our relationships with France, talk like bullies. They will give you no colonies, unless you give them a commercial treaty? That is to say, unless you give them the better part of the resour-ple. ces of France. That is their plain mean-aid of a hatred of freedom; for, it is a noing. They wish to force a commercial trea- torious fact, that, amongst those who have ty upon you; and yet they have the impu- been, in this country, the most busy in the dence to call it an equitable commercial work of Black freedom, we find the most treaty. If it be intended to be equitable; determined in the work of ensuring White that is to say, if it be intended to give you Slavery.-For my part, I wish that Euroas great advantages as it acquires from you, peans had no slaves, black or white. But, why do they talk of compulsion? If I have it must not be overlooked, that we have had an article which I am about to exchange time to do away this trade; and that France with my neighbour for an article of the has not; and, it is very probable, that to same value, do I quarrel with him because give her back colonies without leaving her he declines the offer? Much less do I at- the trade, would be to give her the means tempt to force him to make the exchange. of making her poor and weak.—I have, Any such attempt would betray a conscious- above, quoted what the Times newspaper ness, on my part, that the exchange propo- has said upon the subject. I will now shew sed by me was not so very equitable! We, your Majesty what you have to expect at it is said, propose to France a commercial the hands of others.-The Courier, of the treaty, equally advantageous to both nations. 23d of May, says :-" There have been, if Either it is as advantageous to France as "there be not now, some obstacles in the it is to us, or it is not. If the former, we 66 negociation, one of which we understand can lose nothing by your Majesty's reject- "related to the Slave Trade Great Briing the offer; if the latter, it is your duty" tain demanded the abolition of the Slave to reject it. A commercial treaty is a bar- "Trade by France as one of the conditions gain between two dealers; and, it is some- "of the treaty; and the King of France thing new in trade, that, because one deal-" demurred; or, according to report, refuer declines making a bargain with another," sed to accede to the demand. He called the former is to be attacked and treated as "it, absurdly enough, interfering in the inan enemy. One man offers another a price" ternal Government of the French Colofor his land, but the former, because the of-"nies. What! is preventing the traffic with fer is declined, does not treat the latter as a "Africa in human blood an interference foe. In short, these writers, and their like," in the internal administration of a French looked upon your Majesty's return to France "Island in the West Indies? If Louis as the means of degrading and crippling "XVIII. persist in this refusal, he will be France, and of making her, with her fine" far indeed from having turned adversity soil and climate, little less than a colony of 66 to proper account. We should have England; which, if it were possible to ac- thought it would have made him anxious complish, would be the very worst thing" to soften as much as possible the miseries 66 66 "and slavery! We trust the rumour is "of the human race, and that he would "have rendered any demand from us to "abolish the Slave Trade wholly unnecessary. However, there is one way in which we trust our able Negociator treated this "refusal, supposing the report to be correct, "which we hope it is not.-Noabolition"No Colonies. We will not part with one "of the French colonies-no, nor shall you "have admission to the West Indies or the "East, unless you distinctly accede to the "demand which God and Nature justify us in insisting upon, the Abolition of the "Slave Trade."The Morning Chronicle, of the same day, says: "We must receive "the various reports of the terms of the 66 treaty of peace now negociating at Paris "with reserve, at least, because they are "evidently not finally settled. That some "impediment has occurred, we believe; "and we lament to hear that it is of a "nature to excite the indignation of every "enlightened man in Europe. It is said "that a disposition has manifested itself in the French Court, to resist the inser-I shall be very well contented, if I find, "tion of an article in the Treaty with respect to the Stave Trade. Will it be be“lieved, after all that has happened, that "the Bourbons hesitate to follow up that "act of christian and moral, beneficence "which England had the glory to begin, "and which even the most sanguinary "members of Revolutionary France sup"ported? A writer, in a paper of yesterday, “says, with eloquent force-The States of Europe are to be called upon by England "to make a sacrifice, and great importance "will hereafter be attached to this single "demand, which is all she thinks it worth "her while to make, on this occasion of al"most universal acquirement. She is now "about to name the reward she seeks for "all she has done. Considering how high"ly her services are extolled, and how "widely they are acknowledged, our Allies "must be prepared to find it of immense "value-and so it is. She demands that 66 a foul felony may be discontinued, of "which a vast Continent is the perpetrator, "and a vaster is the victim! She de"mands that Europe may be rescued from enormous guilt, and Africa from hideous "misery; she demands the Abolition of "the Slave Trade! And this, we are "told, the French Court hesitates at least, "if not refuses, to accede! The return of "their Colonies is nothing, they say, without the horrible means of cultivating them by human degradation, torment, 66 that the brave and ingenious and amiable in -In short, if I see the people of France fairly represented in the Legislature, I shall be quite content to leave to that Legislature and your Majesty, to fix the period of abolishing of the black slave trade. But, I cannot conclude this Number of my Address to your Majesty, without pointing out to you the inconsistency of these writers, in respect of the They now cry out against Slave Trade. the slavery of the Blacks. The Blacks they find to be quite fit for the enjoyment of freedem. But, it was only six days ago, that they deprecated the attempt to establish a free government in France, because, said they, THE FRENCH ARE NOT FITTED FOR SUCH A GOVERNMENT! Aye, and they regretted, to his species. Napoleon often spoke of his great plans for the benefit of mankind, and I see no reason to doubt of his sincerity. But his means were of the wrong sort. They were suited only to the destroying of tyranny and corruption. They were necessary to that part of the great "for the sake of HUMANITY," (vile When she has arranged her government, hypocrites!) that your Majesty was pledg-we shall be able to describe her situation; ed to make the experiment! They have to examine and to show the effects of that only one step further to go to recommend government; to make comparisons between to the Allies, not to evacuate France, nor it and other governments; to look into to release the French prisoners of war, un- things with our own eyes; to go to the less you stipulate to make the people of spot, and report to those who cannot go. France slaves. From all this your Ma- And, what have the advocates of our own jesty, and every sensible Frenchman, will system to fear from this ?-Napoleon had clearly perceive, that these writers have the power of doing more good than any constantly in view the means of ruining man that ever lived, and he certainly did your country; and that which is the great a great deal, though he did some harm. object of my Address, is, to impress upon the But your Majesty stands next to him in minds of Frenchmen, that those who are for point of power to do good, without the using every possible means of weakening and temptation to do harm. You are at degrading France, are also for using every the head of that people, whose example, possible means of preventing the establish- in the course of a few years, must be ment of a free constitution in that country. followed; and, therefore, every act of I have shown, that these persons are la- yours. becomes an object of anxious sobouring to cause your Galleries and Mu-licitude with every man who wishes well seums to be stripped; to prevent you from having colonies; to narrow your ancient dominions; to cause the allied armies to remain in France in the pay of England; to inculcate the opinion, that France is the same under you as under Napoleon; and that it is the duty of Englishmen always to look on her as radically and systemati-work. cally our enemy; to prevent the release of the French prisoners of war; to compel you to reduce your army so low as to leave your country without defence: and I have also shown, that it is these same persons, who express their regret that have pledged yourself to the establishment To MR. CCKE. of a government, in which the people shall be really represented in the Legislature.- On the Dispute about Corn. Having shown this, I think that I may SIR-It has surprised me very much to safely leave your Majesty and the French see that you have given yourself any trounation to draw the proper conclusion. Ible about the Corn Laws. The people, who wish not to take credit for unusual liberality. My motives are, perhaps, full as national as those of my opponents; but, I hope, not chargeable with the baseness manifestly belonging to theirs. They would exterminate the French nation, in their fear of its becoming a bright example to the world. I am of opinion, that for France to be powerful, prosperous, and really free, would be a great blessing to the people of England. There is nothing which a friend of freedom in England ought to dread so much as the enfeebling and enslaving of France. Not only in Spain, and in Italy, and in Holland, are people waiting to see what France will do; but the eyes of all Europe are upon her; and her example must produce a great effect on the future lot of mankind. you It remains for your Majesty to proceed in it by means of a more amiable kind. It is your happy lot to be able to spread freedom and happiness over Europe by the example of a people, who always have, and always will, give the fashion to the world. thrive by spreading delusion, were sure to abuse you. They were sure to represent you, who are so liberal a man, in all your transactions in life, as a grasping monopo lixer; as a man wishing to pinch those very poor, who are fed out of your fortune. They, who, by hook or by crook, pocket part of the money which you pay in taxes, were sure to hold you up as an oppressor. Had I been in your place, Sir, I would have left the passing of Corn Laws to those who are for raising great sums of taxes from the produce of the corn. It was not discreet in you, give me leave to say it, to expose yourself to the attacks of the herd of vulgar politicians, whose brains seem to be in their bellies. Only look at the trash which they are publishing upon this subject, and of which the following, from The Times newspaper, of the 23d inst. is a pretty good specimen :-"In my former remarks, I predicted that "if the present measures for making a total "alteration in the Corn Laws were per"sisted in, in the spirit then shown, a very "few days would see the tables of the two "Houses of Parliament covered with pe"titions. My words have been fulfilled 64 66 66 66 66 66 "able falling off in their profits. In short, property will shift its channels. Go"vernment cannot and ought not to em“bank and keep up any particular species "far beyond its natural level. It may and "it ought to take care that the fall should not be too violent. Motos componere fluctus. That is all it has to do. But some greedy and avaricious individuals and are fulfilling, and yet there are per- "have hit upon a plan to perpetuate, as "sons so desperate that they would endea-" they foolishly think, their own extrava"vour to force on the measures alluded to, gant gains, at the expence of the com"not only by precipitation, but by intimi-"munity. Fools! not munity. Fools! not to see that they "dation. They would brand every oppo- "will in vain strive to raise themselves on sition to an unreasonable mon poly of the" the depression of their country. View public food with the name of sedition." ing this nefarious scheme in the light I They have even dared to stigmatise as do, I must assume that its original in"seditious the conduct of a gentleman, "ventors were not among the national "whose long and laborious public life" representatives."Thus, you see, Sir, "leaves us in doubt which most to admire, you have obtained the honour to be put "the hardihood or the folly of the slan- upon a level with officers of the army and "derer, This violent and factious ca- navy, proctors and bailiffs of prize courts, lumny, I trust, will not deter any upright dealers in omnium, contractors, and the like. "servant of the public from doing his duty. Well! It is just. It is really just. For The true sower of sedition is he, who, to the country gentlemen of England, to stimulated by a spirit of rapacity and their submission to the Minister of the day "extortion, urges the precipitate adoption it is, that they owe what they now experi"of measures, which must of necessity ence. It is to this that they have to attri"throw the whole empire into confusion, bute, that every saucy placeman and penand render the landowners of the coun- sioner now flouts them to their face. It is to 66 try objects of suspicion and hatred to the them that we owe the want of a Reform, "manufacturing and mercantile interests, which would haye protected them a great "without any real benefit to the great deal more effectually than all the Corn body of the agricultural population.-Laws that ever were invented. They were "Sir, the return of peace, after so many afraid of a disorganizing spirit, and they years of a war which has convulsed Eu- now feel the effects of their conduct.-Look, rope to its centre, naturally presented to Sir, at the language of this man. He calls people of all classes in this country the your efforts an endeavour to secure a monocheering hope that the burthens which poly of the PUBLIC food! you are charged they had borne with unexampled patience (for it is you who is meant) with calumny should be fairly and equitably lightened. on an "upright servant of the PUBLIC!" None, but the wild and visionary, When it suits their purpose, they call such 66 thought, that all our evils were suddenly people servants of the King; but, upon to vanish; none but the grossly selfish this occasion, they call them servants of the and avaricious imagined, that in time of public! You are accused of rapacity and peace they were to enjoy the exclusive extortion. You! who, I dare say, never advantages which the war had thrown took so much rent as you might, without 66 into their hands. I have not heard that any difficulty, have obtained. You! who "the officers of the army and navy have are known to be so generous a landlord and thought of petitioning Government to a master, and such a liberal encourager of "continue their full pay and allowances, industry and virtue, and who has spent "or that the proctors and agents in the so large a portion of your time in pur prize courts have ventured to pray for a suits tending to the benefit of others! And supply of business at the public cxpence. all this you are taunted with by a caitiff, "I suppose the dealers in Omnium must perhaps, whose fortune is made up of a part "be satisfied to see their golden harvest of the taxes, collected from your own estate! pretty much curtailed; and the Con- But, again, I say, it is your own fault, and tractors for the supply of naval and mi- the fault of the other country gentlemen.litary stores must experience a consider-You must bear the grating sound of the 66 66 66 66 66 66 66 66 the money. Indeed they can have only half as much. It is the business of those, therefore, who want the taxes, to endeavour to keep up the price of corn, and not your bus siness, who are merely a funnel for the taxes. The wild notion of the writer, above quoted, is, that you have profited from the who shared in the good things of the war. And that now you wish to keep up your full pay after the war has ceased! Just as if you had not been paying wages and prices and taxes in due proportion to the price of corn; and just as if the paper-money, which actually exchanges at 30 per centum words, which tell you that you have been a monopolizer, and that you want to continue the monopoly. How it must please you. How soft it must sound to your ears, to hear yourself confounded with those, whom you have been paying out of your estate To hear the amount of your rents, a large part of which go to pay the contractors, reck-war! That you have been one of those, oned amongst the BURDENS of the people, which ought to diminish along with the gains of the contractors. The burdens which people expected to be lightened, we are here told, included the price of the loaf; and the landowner is here exhibited as more avaricious than the contractor, because he wishes to perpetuate his extrava-loss against the money of France, had made gant gains even after the war is over, at expence of the community! There is no reasoning with this. It is too outragiously impudent to reason with. It is, however, the popular talk of the day. This corrupt press and the Lancasterian schools, will, upon this subject at any rate, beat reason out of the field. The number who eat bread so far exceed those who grow wheat, or own lands, that the odds against you are fearful indeed; and that was a fact well known to the false and cunning loon who was making this attack, and who, while he was, perhaps, one of the causes of the panperism that covers the country, had the address to throw the blame upon you, whose | income has gone to enrich him and to prevent the poor from actually starving.--No, Sir; had I been in your place, they never should have heard my voice in support of any law, the professed object of which is to protect the farmer, but the real tendency of which must be, if it has any effect at all, to keep up the amount of the ares. In the last Number of the REGISTER I made this proposition as clear as day-light; or, at least, if I did not, it is out of my power to make it, or any thing clse, clear. If I had been a landowner like you, I would have said nothing. It should, for me, have been the act of the Ministry and their majority. I should have viewed myself, in the ques-ence permanently in the price of corn, is a tion, not as the owner of property, but as a channel, or funnel, or conductor of taxes; and a very trifling portion of arithmetic would have enabled you to know, that low prices were as good for me as high prices. Perhaps, for I speak without book, there may be raised in England and Wales four millions of quarters of wheat. If it sell for twelve millions of money, the Government cannot have so much taxes out of it as if it sold for twenty-four millions of no difference in the thing. However, Sir, all sorts of absurdities you will hear upon this subject; and we are not yet come to the period when the clamour will be loudest. If the harvest of this year should be bad; if blights should come very generally; if a mildew should, for our sins, pay us a visit. In short, if the crop should be remarkably unproductive, you must be sensible, that we shall see wheat again at eight pounds a quarter. Then! Then you will hear the out-cry about monopoly! Then you will hear the clamour about the corn-laws, especially if the American war should continue, and there should be a short crop on the Continent.-It appears to me, that Sir Francis Burdett takes the wise course in these matters. He knows very well, that it is not he who profits from high prices. He knows that he must pay in proportion to his rents and the price of corn. He knows, that he cannot stay, for one moment, the regular march of things. And he, therefore, always hoids his tongue as to these matters of petty legislation. Law cannot give you price any more than it can give you sun-shine and showers. The whole quantity imported in a year makes so small an addition to the amount of the crop, that it is of no consequence worth notice; and that peace does not and cannot make any material differ proposition which experience has proved, and which reason would easy have proved, if experience had been wanting. If the Mi nisters thought, that, by passing a law, they could keep up the price of corn, they, upon that notion, acted wisely; because they, by keeping up the price of coma, kept up their taxes; and they discovered no little address in getting the landowners for their allies in the thing, because these, as being, according to the vulgar idea, the parties |