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v. aside their Republican institutions.

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ANswer to the Bourbox ProclamAtion. This document having been published so

overthrowing the present ruler and govern

ment of France, I think proper to publish

what I deem an answer to it; first insert‘’ing here, for the convenience of my readers, the Proclamation itself. "A few prelimina-ory observations, however, appear necessary. —First, I must observe, that the Bour'bons are by no means to be blamed for this act, in itself considered. It is perfectl natural in them to wish to recover their former state, and no one can deny them the ; : perfect right of using such means as this to

1 accomplish their object; more especially as to the French people do now submit to the

government of a monarch, having laid

But, having premised thus, we have an equal right to examine the views of those by whom the Proclamation was issued, and to offer our opinions upon it and upon the probable effect of its success. The House of Bourbon having invited the French people to return under its sway, we have a right, and it is our duty, if we have the means in our hands, to shew what was the nature and effect of their government in France; and to inquire, whether it be, or be not, likely, that the people of that country would be made more happy by return

... ing to them, than they are under the new dynasty.—We have so long been in fear

of France; her government, under one form and another, has so long appeared to us to be a terrific object, that we have, at last, forgotten, or we seem to have forgotten, what the old government of France was. We have been ashamed to acknowledge, that our hatred of the new government arose out of our fear of it; and, therefore,

we have, for twenty years, been speaking

of it as being a most horrible despotism,

affecting to lament its existence out of our

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generous compassion for the people of France, whom, however, at times, we have reproached with baseness for submitting to such unparalleled oppression. Thus have the mass of the people, who adopt, without any inquiry, the sentinents delivered out to them, through the various

and endless channels of deception, come often by those persons, who are so eager for

habitually to the consiusion, that the governments of France, since the Revolution began, has been a series of despotisms: and, that, before that period, the people of that country enjoyed a state of comparative blessedness, Lately, indeed, as the prospect of humbling France approached, the tone of these censors of her governments has been a good deal changed. They now prosess to see danger in the greatness and prasperity of France. But, the delusion has taken fast hold of the country. The general belief is what I have described it; and, it is my intention to show, in this paper, how the facts really stand.—The following is the Bourbon Proclamation, which

! has been published three or four times by

the papers, which generally speak in favour of all the acts of our government..., “The moment is at length arrived when “ Divine Providence appears ready to break “in pieces the instrument of its wrath. “The Usurper of the Throne of St. Louis, “the devastator, of Europe, experiences “reverses in his turn. Shall they have “no other effect but that of aggravating “the calamities of France; and will she “not dare to overturn an odious power, no “longer protected by the illusions of vic“tory? What prejudices, or what fears, “can now preveut her from throwing her“self into the arms of her King; and “from recognising, in the establishment of “his legitimate authority, the only pledge “ of union, peace, and happiness, which “his promises have so often guaranteed to “his oppressed subjects. Being neither “ able, nor inclined to obtain, but by “ their efforts, that throne which his rights “ and their affection can alone confirm, “what wishes should be adverse to those “which he has invariably entertained? “What doubt can be started with regard C

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“ to his paternal intentions? The King “ has said in his preceding declirations, “ and he reiterates the assurance, that the “ Administrative and judicial bodies shalt be maintained in the plenitude of their “powers; that he will preserve their places ** to those who at present hott then, and : “ who shall take the oath of sidelity to him; “ that the Tribunals, Depositaries of the “Laws, shall prohibit all prosecutions o “bearing relation to those unhappy times “ of which his return will have for ever “sealed the oblivion; that, in fine, the * “ code polluted by the name of Napoleon, * but which, for the most part, contains only the ancient ordinances and customs of the realm, shall remain in force, with - “ the exception of enactments contrary to “the doctrines of religion, which, as well : “as the liberty of the people, has long “ been subjected to the caprice of the ty• ** rant. The Senate, in which are seated some men so justly distinguished for their “thlents, and whom so many services may * “ render illustrious in the eyes of France, “and of posterity—that corps, whose uti“lity and importance can never be duly

“appreciated till after the restoration—cans

“it sail to perceive the glorious destiny “which summons it to become the first in“strument of that great benefaction which “will prove the most solid, as well as the “most honourable guarantee of its existence and its prerogatives?—On the subject “ of property, the King, who has already “ announced his intention to employ the “most proper means for coticiliating the “interests of all, perceives in the nume- “rous settlements, which have taken place “ between the old and the new land“holders, the means of rendering those “cares almost superfluoris. He engages, “however, to interdict all proceedings by the Tribunals, contrary to such settle“ments, to encourage volutitary arrange“ments, and, on the part of himself and . “ his family, to set the example of all those “sacrifices which may contribute to the re“pose of France, and the sincere tihion of “all Frenchmen.—The King has gua“ranteed to the army the maintenance of “ the ranks, employments, pay, and ap“pointments which it at present enjoys. “He promises also to the Generals, Officers, and soldiers, who shall signalize them“selves in support of his cause, rewards -“more substantid!, distinctions more ho“nourable, than any they can receive from “an Usurper, always 'ready to disown, “ or even to dread "their service. “The

“King binds himself anew to abolish that
* pernicious tonscription, which destroys
“the happiness of families and the hope of
“the country. Such always have been,
“such still are the intentions of the Kiug.
“His re-establishment on the throne of his
“ancestors will be for France only the
“happy transition from the calamities of a
“war which tyranny perpetuates, to the
“blessings of a solid peace, the guarantee
“of which foreign Powers can only find
“in the word of the legitimate Sovereign.
* * * * - - ** Louis.”
To take this paper in the order, in which
it lies before us, we find, then, according
to it, that all that Napoleon has dome, he
has done under the sanction of Divine Pro-
ridence, whose instrument he has been... If
this be the case, is it not rather bordering
upon the impious, to cals him an usurper,
seeing that he has acted under the imme-
diate direction of the Deity ? Is it not sin-
ful to attempt to cast blame on him for hav-
‘ing done that which God wished him to do;
nay that God forced him to do? The At-
torney General, Gibbs, who is now Judge
Gibbs, did not prosecute my pen for having
written the article about the #. ing of the
Local Militia-men at the town of Ely. He
did not prosecute the instrument, not did
he harangue against it. He prosecuted
me, who used the instrument, and the
Judges caused me to be imprisoned for two
years, and to pay a thousand pounds to our
good old King. Yet, upon the principle,
with which this Proclamation sets out, it
was the pen, and not I, who, ought to have
been prosecuted. In short, if Napoleon be
held io have done what he has done at the
instigation of God; if he has been a mere
instrument in the hands of God, it cannot
be doubted, that it is great and flagrant
impiety to blame, much more to abuse
him, for what he has done, or, rather, for
whât he has been the instrument in doing.
If a master command his servant to
contract debts in his name; if the servant,
by the master's command, commit a tres.
pass; is a coachman drive wantonly over
sheep or pigs by his master's order; the
laws are open against the master and not
against the servant. The maxim of the
law, in this respect, is: “He who does
“an act 'y the hands of another, does it
himself.” Couple this with the asser-
tion of the Proclamation, and we shall
find, that, according to this doctrine, it is
Divine Providence who has done, who has
been the real doer, of all that we have at-
tributed to Napoleon; and that all which

Sir Robert Wilson's book falsely ascribes to him,' if it had been true, would have been attributable to Divine Providence, and not to Buonaparté, any more than my flogging publication was attributable to my pen. The Times news-paper, of a few days ago, under the name of a person of the "name of Burdon, asserts, in addition to all the other abominable falsehoods vomit

‘ed forth against this great soldier and le

'gislator, that he caused, in Italy, many thousands of persons to be buried alive, even soldiers of his own army. But, supposing this to be as true as it is false, does not this Proclamation sanction the deed, by asserting that Napoleon has been an instrument of the wrath of Divine Providence? That is to say, by asserting, that

God forced him to bury these people alive?

Nay, it asserts, in fact, that God did the act; because no act can be said to be done by the tool made use of in doing it; and because the law says, that “he who does an “act by another, does it himself.” -What injustice, upon the principle of this Proclamation, is it, therefore, to call for “vengeance; for punishment; and even for the Divine vengeance; upon the head of • Napoleon? For, if men are so wicked, so * impious, as to wish to punish a fellow man for having executed the will of God, what a horrible idea is it, that God should punish a man for doing what he himself has induced him, enabled him, and compelled him to do?—But, the Proclamation goes further; for, it not only asserts, that NapoJeon has been an instrument in the hands of God, but says, that he has been an instru. ment of God’s wrath. This embraces all the acts of severity imputed to Napoleon and his armies. It was, according to this Proclamation, God who made him go to Moscow; to overset the Bourbons in Spain; to kill the Duke of Brunswick; to capture Berlin and Vienna; to drive out the King and Queen of Naples; to eject the Italian Princes; to take away the dominions and power of the Pope; and to keep the Bourions.from their throne. According to the principle of the Proclamation, all these ersons and places merited what has been 3one to them, unless the authors of it are ready to say, that Divine Providence has been unjust.—At any rate, if we adopt : this principle, we must acquit Napoleon of all blame; and, if we suppose the people - of France to be endowed with only cornmon sense, and a very small portion even of that, we must suppose, that they will see

the matter in the same light.--The Pro

clamation promises, that the persons holding the administrative and judicial powers shall keep their places. It promises the same as to the Senate. Now, either these persons are the best that could have been found in France, or, they are not. If the latter, is it just to keep them in their places? If they are not fit persons, and do not properly administer the laws, would it not be a detestable act to keep them where they are, and to leave the property and lives of the le at their disposal? And, if they are the fittest men that could be found in France; if they do take good care of the property and lives of the people, what can the people of France wish for more ? And what are they to get from the proposed change? What does this proposition offer them but a mere change of sove

reigns, without any offer, without any

hope, of being better, with a risk, at least, of being worse off? When one man, in common life, wishes to supplant another, be it in whatsoever line it may, he offers to the parties interested some advantage or other. Let me, says. A to B, supply you with shoes instead of C. For what a says B. : Why, says A, you shall have your shoes of the same quality cheaper; or, of a better quality at the prices of G. : Here is a motive for the change; but, what motive does the Proclamation hold out? Nome at all, if we except the mighty consideration of being again under the sway of the descendants of St. Louis; and, I'dare say, that, by this time, the people of Frante have very little preference for the persons of 'sainted kings.--—But, the Sonata is to remain; and, moreover, it is designated as containing men justly distinguished by their talents and their services.—Be it, in the first place, remembered, that it was Napoleon who instituted this body; that it was he who chose these men of talents and of services; that, in short, it was he who made this verything, which the Bourbons promise to support. The writers of the Proclamation may, indeed, say, that it was not he, but God through him; so that here he would not appear as the instrument of God’s wrath, but of his blessings. However, if you deprive him of the merit here,

must, in common conscience, exonerate him from the blame as to all the rest of his acts, and must suppress all your vindictive wishes against him. But, leaving Divine Providence, for the present, out of the question, what motive is there here held out to the people of France to accept of the . offer of the Bourbons?' They are told, that

the Senate contains men of great talents and virtues, and that it shall reinain a part of the government. Well, then, the people of France need no change whatever to secure to them the services of the Senate. They have the Senate now. They are promised nothing more; and, they may very reasonably suppose, that no one is so likely to preserve this body as he who has created it. The offer, in short, which they here have again, is that of a risk of loss, without even the hope of any gain to counterbalance that risk. Was there ever, in the whole world, any man, in his senses, that accepted of such an offer? Men very often give the ready money out of their hands, and risk the loss of it upon a promissory note; but, as a compensation for this risk, they have the interest of their money, which, by lying dead in their hands, would bring theim nothing. But, who changes his money against a promise to be paid the same sum again? Who ever voluntarily runs a risk without the hope of gain?—The same observations apply to the promise, made in the Proclamation, as to the ownership of properly. —It “engages to interdict all proceedings “ in the #. contrary to the settle“ments now in existence.”—This refers to the property, which includes a great art of all the lands of France, which was, É. the Republican government, taken from the Crown, the Church, and the Nobility, and sold to individuals. What will these proprietors say, in answer to such a ise? I know very well what I should say, if I were one of them. I should answer thus: “You may be perfectly sincere, * but I do not know that you are; and, if * I knew you to be sincere, I should not * know, that you would have the power to “act according to your intentions. If you * are restored, you must restore the No* bility and the Church; and, what would * these be without property ? Be your in* tentions, therefore, what they may, I * cannot be certain, that they will be acted • upon, and that your promise will be sul• filled. ... But, I know that I have my pro• perty now; I know, that the quiet pos* session of it is secured to me, not only by “ the settled laws, but by the interests of * all my rulers, great and small. I know, ‘that, if no change take place in my rulers, “my property is safe. I know, that I “cannot gain by your offer; and I know, “ that I risk the loss of my all. There* fore, I not only reject any proposition, * tending to shift the government into your

‘hands; but, common sense, self-pre* servation, dictate to me to make every ex‘ertion in my power to prevent such a “change.” To the Generals and Soldiers, indeed, who shall signalize themselves in his cause, the King offers rewards more substantial, distinctions more honourable, than those they possess. That is to say, he will reward them if they will, by means of a civil war, or any other means in violation of their oath to Napoleon; to him who has created the Tribunals and Senate (which are to remain) assist in restoring the Bourbons ! However, there is something in this. More is offered than what is at present enjoyed. But to whom? Why, to that part of the nation who have arms in their hunds. To those who have little, or nothing, to lose; to those, who, before they accept of the offer, must betray him, to whom they have sworn fidelity; to those who have it in their power, perhaps, to compel the people to risk the loss of their property in exchange for a promise, which the promiser will not, perhaps, have the power to fulfil.-If this offer be calculated to gain the army, I am sure it is calculated to excite indignation in the rest of the people; and that, upon the whole, it must make more against the Bourbons than for them. We now come to the most important promise of all; namely, TO PRESERVE THE CODE NAPOLEON.—We will pass over the words, “Polluted by the name Napoleon,” as a silly expression, interpolated, let us hope, by some cock-a-hoop parasite, and not emanating from the mind of Louis XVIII, of whom I would avoid speaking with any degree of disrespect, and the sin. cerity of whose intentions I do not wish to call in question. To the same source we will impute the strange assertion, that this Code, “for the most part, contains only “the ancient ordinances and customs of “the realm;” for, to ascribe this assertion to Louis XVIII, would be to do him great dishonour, seeing that nothing was £wer Inote untrue. We shall, by-andby, see what those “ancient ordinances and customs” were; we shall see how they ground an industrious, an ingenious, a gallant people, in the fairest part of the world, down into slaves of the lowest cast; how they peopled the galleys and the jails; how they spread misery and death around them. And those who have read the Code Napoleon, civil as well as criminal, know, that it has completely abolished those horrible laws and customs.--But, for the

sake of the argument, and to place the value of this promise as high as possible, let us, for the present, suppose all the interlarded assertions to be true.—If it be true, then, that Napoleon has formed a code, for the most part consisting of the ancient ordinances and customs of the realm, only that these are here so embodied and arranged as to give them a more uniform effect, and a more easy application, with what justice: . . . . no, I will not talk of justice in a case where he is the object of attack; but, with what consistency; with what sense, is coupled with this assertion, the assertion that his government is that of a capricious tyrant? If he rule by the same laws that the Bourbons ruled by, and, if he be a capricious tyrant, what were they 2 And, what is still more worthy of being asked, what do they intend to be, if they intend to govern by the same code which he has established? Here, as in the former instances, there is a risk of loss, without the offer of any gain, even

nious priests, to make the property of the church closely connected with the doctrines of religion; and thus, without any breach of promise, the whole of those persons whe have purchased that property, might be lest to beg their bread, not without some danger of ising punished as heretics. Here, at any rate, the Proclamation is a denunciation against the proprietors; and the only thing that astonishes one is, how any, man in his senses could suppose it likely to seduce the people of France frem their present ruler. After all, and upon a review of the whole matter, what does this Proclamation amount to? What does it hold out to the people of France? What boom does it promise them 2 What are the blessings which they are to enjoy if they accept of the King's generous offer? why, they are to enjoy the same property which they now enjoy; the same degree of liberty; the same law-makers; the same laws; the saine executors of those laws; and the | same army. This is the offer; this is the

contingent. Either the Code, as it now boon, tendered to them; these are the only stands, is good or bad. If bad, what mo- blessings, which an exiled king can find tive is held out to the people to make a out to promise his people as a reward for change which is only to perpetuate it? If their undertaking a civil war for his restogeod, what motive to run even the slightest ration.—Is it possible for the mind of. risk of losing it, or of seeing it impaired? man to invent a higher compliment to the Is it reasonable to suppose, that the peo. person who now governs. France? Is it ple of France will think this Code safer in possible to discover more forcible means of the hands of those, who wish to overthrow convincing them, that they ought to venand utterly destroy him who has establish-lture the shedding of the last drop of their edit, than in the hands of that person him- blood to maintain the government of that self? The promise, in this case, as in Porsun ? And, I should be glad to hear all the others, amounts to nothing more than what can be said by those unprincipled

that of not injuring the people of France; but, to this generous, this munificent promise, there is, in the present case, 2 reservation; yes, a reservation tacked by way of rider even to a promise, which, in its greatest extent is no more than a negative. There is an :*: made with

rd to the doctrines of religion. j priest must have advised this. The ood sense of Louis XVIII, and his suferings from this source more than from any other, would, surely, have prevented him from the making of this exception, What is meant by “the doctrines of “religion?” The Code, Napoleon does not meddle with those doctrines in any other way than as it leaves every man to follow his own opinions as to religion, and compels no man to belong to any particular sect, except the Royal Family, whose . gion is to be that of the Roman Catholic. This exception, therefore, leaves room, and very little would be wanted to inge

men, in this country, who are incessantly

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crying out against the “tyranny” of Na.

The conscription is founded on no esta.

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