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overrun all the countries of Europe; whọ have scattered the ill-gotten wealth of the Romish church, and who have opened the dungeons of the Inquisition, may be allow

side of tyranny, in spite of every thing that | ling press, ever extinguish the recollection could be done. These enemies of the free-of Jemappe, Marengo, the Helder, Codom and happiness of man are now strange- runna, Jena, Austerlitz, Lodi, Eylau, ly put to it to know what to wish for. If Moskwa, and a hundred other names; the King of France break his promise, every one of which, upon the bare menthere may yet arise a Republic. That tion, reminds the world of the valour of would affright them out of their senses.— Frenchmen? And, are such a people to The two great Republics, France and be accused of vanity, because they talk of America, taught by experience, might join those things; or, rather, because the world their efforts. The consequences might be do, and must talk of them? We do not alarming indeed! If, on the other hand, seem to think it vanity in us to talk of our the King of France keep his promise, there victories. God knows we talk of them will be a real representative government in enough. We are granting immense sums France, as to the commons, at any rate. to build mansions, and provide estates for It will not be a vile sham; not a gross and our commanders. I do not find fault with outrageous insult to the people amongst this; but, surely, if we find this right for whom it exists. The King of France ought such victories as we have gained, the to bear in mind, that the same persons who French may be suffered to talk a little recommend to the Allies to keep part of about Marengo, Austerlitz, Jena, Eylau, their armies in France in violation of the and the Helder! Talk is very cheap, at Convention; who protest against giving any rate. It costs the people nothing. up any colonies to France; who advise The French military glory has no pudding the Allies to take away the pictures and attached to it. "Honour and our Counstatues from Paris; who bid the people "try," inscribed upon a little medal, is all of England bear in mind the conduct of that a Frenchman gets for his deeds in the Bourbons in the American war; and arms. Our rewards are more solid. No who assert, that it is necessary for us al-harm in that; but, surely, those who have ways to recollect, that France is radically and systematically our enemy: that these same persons are the persons who are anxious that France should not have a representative government, and that the an-ed to talk a little of what they have done! cient regime should be restored.-This is what the King of France should have always before his eyes.-It is quite surprising what envy already discovers itself in some persons towards France. They have, for a long while, been representing her as in the lowest depths of misery; and yet they see what excites their envy, and they endeavour to communicate their feelings to us. How inconsistent is this? We are to envy those who are in misery: we are to envy those who are beggared. We are to dread the power of a nation, which, they tell us, is subdued and disgraced to the lowest degree! Does there not peep out, through all this mass of inconsistency, a consciousness of the vast stock of glory acquired by France? They tell us of the vanity of the French. Is it vanity in them to boast of a hundred great victories? Is it vanity in them to boast of their having captured Vienna, Rome, Naples, Berlin, Amsterdam, and Moscow; and that, too, against all Europe combined? Can any thing, can volumes of lies about the fears and cowardice of Napoleon; can all the efforts of an enslaved and hire

Aye, and history will talk of what they have done too. Spain, Italy, Portugal, all Germany, and even Russia, has felt the effect, I mean the moral as well as the military effect, of the marches of the French armies, who have borne, from one end of Europe to the other, the light of philosophy, though, perhaps, they did not intend it. These armies have been instruments in the hands of reason, of truth, and of liberty. They have given to su perstition and tyranny a blow that those monsters will never recover. And, in this sense, the valour and skill of the French have been the greatest of benefactors to the world. Are such a people to be called vain, because they talk of their deeds? But, indeed, I do not hear of their boast-: ing at all. The fact, for aught I know, is false. The French are called vain, because they have gained renown, which nothing can destroy or diminish as long as letters remain. No: the charge is grounded in envy; base envy, and fear as base. These malignant writers cannot endure the idea of France having a Government, which shall secure the freedom of the

people. They are sick at the thought of | Threadneedle; for, certain it is, that she the effects of an uninterrupted communi- has been a most efficient personage in obcation with a people living only across the taining the triumph of "social order and Channel, whose happiness under a real" regular government." The old Lady has representation in a Legislative Body may defeated Napoleon. It remains to be continually be cited. These malignant seen how she will support herself; but, I writers fancy, too, that, when great num-must, at all times, put in my protest bers of people are continually crossing from against any grumbling on account of the one country to the other, that odd remarks debt and the paper-money; unless, indeed, may be made, and disagreeable discussions on the part of those, who did not wish to take place, as to the strange difference in carry on war for the purpose of over-setthe money of the two countries. They ting Napoleon. They may grumble very imagine, that those who get at Paris but consistently; but, even they have no right about 66 guineas for a hundred pound to blame the French nation for the debt, bank note, will be surprised and disap-the taxes, and the paper-money.—If a pointed. They suppose, that many thou-hundred pound bank-note exchanges against sands of persons of fixed incomes will go to even fifty real pounds worth of French live in France, where a shilling will buy livres, what is that to the French? They as much as half a crown buys here. They have not been the cause of this. They, have all these, and more than all these probably, wished us not to hire so many whims in their heads. But, suppose these people to fight against them. It is, thereto be sound opinions, it is not the fault of fore, a perfect abomination to endeavour the French nation,nor of their Government, to excite hatred against them on this ac that our paper-money exists in such quan-count.--I hope, after all, that we shall tities, and that provisions are cheap in be at real peace with France. I hope, France, any more than it is their fault, that the terms of the peace will be such, that the climate of France is finer and as to prevent the French for seeking remore healthy than ours. Besides, have venge in a new war; but, really, I am we not had the advantage of our paper-afraid, that the constantly irritating and money? Has it not enabled us to hire fighters in Germany, and elsewhere? Have not the bank-notes and the loans enabled us to put Bonaparte from his throne?Have they not enabled us to pay Russians, and Prussians, and Danes, and Austrians, and Swedes, and Portuguese, and Spaniards, and Sicilians, and God knows who besides, to fight against France; to invade her at last; and to bring the contest to a glorious termination? And ought we now to grumble, because we have a paper- "looking to the Break-and bidding faremoney, and the French have none? Ought "well to the plumed troops and spi.it we to accuse the French nation of being" stirring drum,' the situation of Captains dangerous to us on account of this differ-" of the embodied militia, is deserving of ence in our pecuniary circumstances? It" the most serious consideration. Foris as clear as day-light, that the Old Lady" merly, only men of great landed property, of Threaducedle-street has enabled our they returned to their estates after a reGovernment to overset Napoleon, and to "turn of peace, which no longer required push on the Allies to Paris. Therefore, "them to evince the activity of arms; but it is abominably unjust to reproach her" the exigencies of the State have long with having inundated us with her coin." since placed them in a very different siShe was compelled to do this, in order to "tuation. Many are now men of talents assist us; and we ought to come now to her" and vigour, but of no fortune, who support. She is our military and political" have joined the militia as a profession; nuse; and to cast her off now, when we or who, during a long war, have estrang no longer stand in need of her breast, "ed themselves from any other exercise of would be diabolical. Along with the cry "their talents; in a natural confidence, of Fivent les Bourbons, ought to go forth "that the country, which has saved Europe the cry of live la vielle Maman de la rue de" by its example in arms, could not but

insulting language of our newspapers most have a tendency to obstruct all endeavours to attain so desirable an object.

MILITIA OFFICERS.--An article, in all the London Papers of the 12th and 13th of this month, prepares us for some attempt to secure to these Gentlemen a share of our incomes and earnings during peace. It is as follows:-" REDUCTION OF THE "ARMY.-At a time when every one is

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preserve its renovated character as a military nation; and, consequently, that they would not be thrown on the world

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fore, no breach of faith with them. They can have no reason to complain of being neglected. They have lived in the way in which they chose to live, during the war. They were not compelled to serve as militia officers. If they have talents and vigour, what ground is there for their apprehensions of starving? Men of talents and vigour do not starve. If they be men of talents and vigour, how endless are the ways, in which those talents, and that vigour, may be employed with profit? In short, the claim is absurd, and will,

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to send back to the arts of peace, those who have been employed in war. this is what these gentlemen of no fortune, unregarded. The liberality of a great but of talents and vigour, call being government will not fail in this respect-thrown upon the wide world. "and we have no doubt, that provision, in have no fortune now, they had none besome form, will be made, at least, to fore; and, therefore, they must have preserve the credit of a military institu- worked before, or starved; and so they แ tion, which now so nearly approaches the ought now. When they entered the serregular army. We are assured, that vice, they knew that militia officers re"several militia corps have already sub-ceived no pay in peace. There is, there"mitted their case to the Right Hon. the "Secretary of State, through the medium "of their Lord-Lieutenants." This is a proposition, the modesty of which must surprize, and, indeed, confound, the nation. What! militia officers paid in time of peace! We should, indeed, be a military nation! We should have got much by the dethronement of Napolcon. It was no longer ago than this very morning, that a neighbour of mine, who is also one of my many tax-gatherers, in asking me for my return for the Property Tax, congratulated me upon its being the last. II am certain, find not a single advocate' thought he was deceived; but I am sure in parliament.-Before I dismiss this arof it, if the principles of this denunciation ticle, I cannot help noticing a paragraph are to be acted upon. A denunciation it in the Times newspaper of the 17th inst. is, in the true sense of the word, against in these words: It is now pretty geneevery man, who labours, or who has rally understood, that the reduction of perty.- We have, here, the curious dis-"the militia will not take place all at once, tinction between men of large fortune, and as was lately reported. Twenty regimen of no fortune, but of talents and vi- "ments, it is said, will be disbanded on gour; no bad compliment to the Demo-" the 24th of July; a second reduction cracy at the expence of the Aristocracy!" will take place on the 24th of SeptemTo what notions has this French Revolu- "ber; and the last on the 24th of Notion given rise!" Thrown on the wide "vember. Several of the regiments are "world!" What, then, do these gen- now on march to the quarters where the tlemen call being thrown on the wide "first reduction will take place."-This world, when they are released from their I military service? We were always told, during the war, that we were under amazing obligations to these gentlemen for their services in defence of the country; that they abandoned their homes, their peaceable professions, and their families, purely for their country's sake. But, now, behold they wish to be soldiers all their lives! Mind, reader, they are persons of no fortune. So are the private soldiers who have escaped death in Spain, Portugal, France, Sicily, Canada, and the East and West Indies. But, are all these, too, to be paid during peace? They have a much more just claim than militia officers can possibly have.I am amongst the last to grudge reward to military and naval merit; but, surely, one of the effects of peace ought to be, to lessen taxes, and

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cannot help regarding as a hint on the part of those who choose this vile Paper for the vehicle of their wishes. What is this militia army to be kept on foot for? Are not the men wanted in the fields and in the manufactures? Are not the parishes. every where heavily burdened with the support of militia men's wives and children? And, what can this evil be prolonged for? The regular army is coming home daily. By the 1st of June, we shall have several thousands of men home from France. Our army in Sicily cannot always remain. Why then, should, we be put to the expence of supporting the militia for another half year? Did we expect that this would have been amongst the consequences of the deliverance of Europe? I should like to hear some reason for keeping all this army on foot so long.

that ours is a currency of paper; that of
France is a currency of gold; and, sc-
cond, that a bank of England note for one
hundred pounds will exchange for only
about seventy pounds worth of French
livres, to be paid in France in return for
a bill purchased with that bank note.-
These are facts, which speak a language
not to be misunderstood by even the most
ignorant of men. These facts shew the
precise difference in the pecuniary state of
the two countries.-Though a little fo-
reign from the subject that I set out with,
I will remark here, that while Napoleon
was enforcing the Continental System, we
were told, by this same newspaper, that that
was the cause of the scarcity of gold, and
of the great loss in the exchange of our
paper against foreign bills, payable in gold
in foreign countries. But the Continental
System has long ceased. The author of it
has been put down. France herself is be-
come our close friend. All the ports of
Europe are open to us; and there is not
the least probability of their being again
closed. But, yet, we do not find that gold
becomes more plenty, or, that the exchange
grows more favourable to us.
The rate,
which I have stated, is, I believe, the rate
now with Paris; though, seeing the state
of the relationships between the two coun-
trics, the exchange, according to the com-
mon course of things, ought to be in our
favour. There is no accounting for this
in any way, other than that of supposing,
that our paper is become of less value than
gold. Take a guinea, and it will exchange
for a bill on Paris for twenty-five livres,
two sous. But, take a pound bank note,
and it will exchange for a bill on Paris for
only about sixteen livres, three sous. This
shows, at once, the real state of the case;
and it shows also the folly of the hopes of
those, who told us, that it was the Continen-
tal System, which caused the apparent depre-
ciation in our bank-paper.-These import-
ant truths will now become more and more
evident every day. The extensive inter-
course with France; an intercourse which
will not be confined to mere traders, but
will reach to all manner of people. This

One thing, however, I am quite sure of, that the army and the navy too must be reduced very low, or that loans must be made even in time of peace. The nation has to choose between the two; and, really, for my part, I do not, for myself, care much about the matter. I shall never make an out-cry about the continuation of loans and the war taxes. I shall content myself with just observing, now and then, that the Anti-jacobins ought to pay the taxes very peaceably, seeing that they have always approved of the spending of them. It is not to be denied, that the great mass of the nation approved of the war; that they were quite willing that the Government should spend any sum in a war against the people of France first, and then against their Sovereign. The money was spent that Sovereign has been dethroned. It is, therefore, just that the nation should pay the bill without grumbling. Nay, if all the depots, arsenals, barracks, fortresses, military and naval academics; if all are now to he kept up, I do not see what reason those can have to complain, who have approved of all these establishments. The walls, the ramparts, the buildings, the schools of exercise, it would be such a pity to demolish! And what is to become of all the masters of the different branches of the art military? Would these advocates for the war have them dig or beg?-Again, I say, that one of two things must take place: the army and navy must be reduced very low; or, the war-taxes and loans must be continued. And, really, I, for my own part, do not care which of them it is to be.. --The Times newspaper talks of the debts of England, France, and other nations. Paper-money is the great evidence of debt. France has none of it. Perhaps it is a good thing to have a debt, and the greater the better. That is a point which I am not now discussing. I am only speaking of the fact; and the Times has published a false fact in this respect. "It is in vain," says he, "for France or "England to hope speedily to exonerate "itself from the burdens, which that fatal "revolution has entailed upon future gene-intercourse, which will make hundreds of "ration."-This is intended to convey the notion, that France has a debt somewhat like ours. Nothing can be more false. The whole of the principal of the debt does not, I believe, equal one year's interest of ours. In short, the proof of the difference consists in these facts: first,

thousands see and feel the diminution, as they will call it, of their means in the transit of them only across the channel. This intercourse will do more towards removing the hitherto impenetrable film from the eyes of the people than a thousand Essays upon the subject.

--

CORN LAWS. This subject would re- So that these wise advocates of low quire a greater space than I am able here prices are beginning their amiable ento allot to it. So much nonsense has been deavours at the wrong end.--If the published about protecting the farmer; so wheat were at five shillings a bushel; much unparalleled trash, that I hardly beer at 2d. a quart; beef at 3d. a pound; know where to begin. I shall confine my- it would make no difference to the farmer, self to a mere hint or two; first observing, except for the remainder of his lease. It that, speaking as a grower of wheat, I would make no difference to Mr. Coke, or wish for none of this sort of protection. Sir Francis Burdett, or any other landIt has been said, that the manufacturing holder, to whom 5,000l. a year would be interest will suffer by any measure tending as valuable as 20,000l. a year now is. It to keep up the price of corn; and, that to would give them the means of living just in give the farmer security for high prices, the style that they now live. But, then, must injure the rest of the community.-in both cases, the taxes must be diminished Now, in the first place, I deny, that it is in the same proportion; and, in place of in the power even of a body of men, who collecting 69 millions a year, you must have been called omnipotent, to cause the collect only 23 millions at most, which farmer to have a high price; the price de- would but little more than HALF suffice pending upon the crop, and not upon any for the payment of the interest on the Debt, law or any regulation. But, supposing it leaving the Civil List, the Army, the possible to give the farmer a high price, Navy, and every other out-going wholly how is that to injure the eaters of bread? unprovided for.It has been observed, If the corn be cheap, all other things will with most brazen impudence, or with be cheap in proportion; and, amongst more than ideot folly, that it is unjust other things, the produce of the manufac- thus to put money into the pocket of tories. The fund-holder seems to be the the land-holder, at the expence of the only person with reason to complain of high poor soul who hardly earns his morsel of prices; because he has nothing to sell. He bread. In the first place, Mr. Coke, for is an annuitant, whose nominal income is instance, if he let his land at 30s. an acre fixed, and therefore, when the loaf is at instead of 10s. must pay for servants, for 1s. 6d. his annuity is worth to him only horses, for carriages, for beer, for bread, half as much as when the loaf is at 9d. for every thing on which he lays out his But if the loaf were to be, and to continue money, 3s. instead of 1s. How, then, can at 9d. for any length of time, whence is the high price of corn give him any advanto come the money to pay him his annuity?tage over the poorer people who serve him, A wish has been expressed to bring things or who administer to his wants or his

round by degrees to the prices of 1792! pleasures? Besides, he must pay 3s. in What profound ignorance; or, what pro-taxes instead of 1s. So that, in fact, as found hypocrisy! In 1792, or before the far as this goes, it is the Government, or war preparations, the whole of the taxes the public, or the debt, or the State, or, call (no loans) raised in the country did not it what you will, which in the end receives exceed fourteen millions. The taxes raised the difference.- -Those who eat the loaf last year, 1813, amounted (exclusive of must, of course, pay the tax. We see very loans) to sixty-nine millions. And yet, plainly how the tax upon sugar, or upon there are men so devoid of sense, or so de-spirits, fall upon the consumer; but the void of shame, as to talk of bringing round tax upon bread being collected, not uponthe prices to the state of 1792! The annual loaf, or the flour, or the wheat, we lose interest on the debt (which must continue to be paid) is now about forty millions. In 1792, it was nine millions. All the annual expences in 1792 amounted to less than five millions. Can they now amount to less, even in time of peace, than twenty millions? How, then, are prices to be brought round to the standard of 1792? To bring prices to the standard of 1792, you must first bring round the taxes to the standard of 1792, and next you must bring round gold in place of paper.

sight of its march to our mouths. But, if it be collected upon the earth, in which the wheat grows; upon the house in which the grower lives; upon the horses that plough the land for the wheat; upon the iron and the leather that make up the harness for the horses that plough the land for the wheat; upon the gig that carries to church the wheat grower's wife; upon the nag that carries the wheat grower, the next day, to market to sell the wheat; upon the cloddy-heeled boy, who becomes a gentle

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