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tion of the game in these capitaineries, it | Such were the exertions of arbitrary power which the lower orders felt directly from the royal authority; but, heavy as they were, it is a question whether the others, suffered circuitiously through the nobility and the clergy, were not yet more oppressive? Nothing can exceed the complaints made in the cahiers under this head. They speak of the dispensation of justice in the manorial courts, as comprising every species of despotism: the districts indeterminate-appeals endless-irreconcileable to liberty and prosperity-and irrevocably proscribed in the opinions of the public"— augmenting litigations-favouring every species of chicane-ruining the parties— not only by enormous expenses on the most petty objects, but by a dreadful loss of time. The judges commonly ignorant pretenders, who hold their courts in cabarets, and are absolutely dependant on the seigneurs. Nothing can exceed the force of expression used in painting the oppressions of the seigneurs, in consequence of their feudal powers. They are "vexations qui sont le plus grand fléau des peuples."— Esclavage affligeant-Ce regime desustreuse.TM -That the feodalité be for ever abolished. The countryman is tyrannically enslaved by it. Fixed and heavy rents; vexatious processes to secure them; appreciated unjustly to augment them: rents, solulaires, and revenchables; rents, chéantes, and levantes; fumages. Fines at every change of the property, in the direct as well as collateral line; feudal redemption de Paris, p. 25.-Clergé de Mantes & Meulan, p. 45, 46-Clergé de Laon, p. 11.-Nob. de Nemours, p. 17.-Nob. de Paris, p. 22. —Nob. d'Arras, p. 29.

must be observed, that by game must be understood whole droves of wild boars, and herds of deer not confined by any wall or pale, but wandering, at pleasure, over the whole country, to the destruction of crops; and to the peopling of the gallies by the wretched peasants, who presumed to kill them, in order to save that food which was to support their helpless children. The game in the capitainerie of Montceau, in four parishes only, did mischief to the amount of 184,263 liv. per annum. No wonder then that we should find the people asking, "Nous demandons à grand cris la destruction des capitaineries & celle de toute sorte de gibier," And what are we to think of demanding, as a favour, the permission" De Nettoyer ses grains de faucher les pres artificiels, & d'enlever ses chaumes sans égard pour la perdrix on tout autre gilier. Now, an English reader will scarcely understand it without being told, that there are numerous edicts for preserving the game which prohibited weeding and hoeing, lest the young partridges should be disturbed; steeping seed, lest it should injure the game; manuring with night soils, lest the flavour of the partridges should be injured by feeding on the corn so produced; mowing hay, &c. before a certain time, so late as to spoil many crops; and taking away the stubble, which would deprive the birds of shelter. The tyranny exercised in these capitaineries, which extended over 400 leagues of country, was so great, that many cahiers demanded the utter suppression of them.

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d Cahier du tiers etat de Meaur, p. 49.

De Mantes and Meulan, p. 40.—Also, Nob. & Tier Etat de Peronne, p. 42. De Trois ordres de Montfort, p. 28.-That is: "We most ear"nestly pray for the suppression of the Capi"taineries, and that of all the game laws."

í De Mantes and Meulan, p. 38-That is to say," the favour to weed their corn, to mow "their upland grass, and to take off their stub. ble, without consulting the convenience of the partridges, or any other sort of game." Clergé de Provins & Montereau, p.35.-Clergé

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sericorde; milods; leide; couponage; cartelage; barage; fouage; marechaussée; bax vin; ban d'abut, trousses; gelinage; civerage; taillabilitie; vingtain; sterlage; borde

(retraibe); fines on sale, to the 8th and even the 6th penny; redemptions (rachats) injurious in their origin, and still more so in their extension banalité of the mill," of the oven, and of the wine and cyder-lage; minage; ban de vendanges; droit press; corvées by custom; corvées by usage d'accaple! In passing through many of the French provinces, I was struck with the various and heavy complaints of the farmers and little proprietors of the feudal grievances, with the weight of which their industry was burthened; but I could not then conceive the multiplicity of the shac kles which kept them poor and depressed. I understood it better afterwards, from the conversation and complaints of some grand seigneurs, as the revolution advanced; and I then learned, that the principal rental of many estates consisted in services and feudal tenures; by the baneful influence of which, the industry of the people was almost ex terminated. In regard to the oppressions of the clergy, as to tithes, I must do that body a justice, to which a claim cannot be laid in England. Though the ecclesiastical tenth was levied in France more severely than usual in Italy, yet was it never exacted with such horrid greediness as is at present the disgrace of England. When taken in kind, no such thing was known in any part of France, where I made inquiries, as a tenth: it was always a twelfth, or a thirteenth, or even a twentieth of the produce. And in no part of the kingdom did a new article of culture pay any thing: thus turnips, cabbages, clover, chicoree, potatoes, &c. &c. paid nothing. In many parts, meadows were exempted. Silk worms nothing. Olives in some places paid-in more they did not. Cows nothing. Lambs from the 12th to the 21st

of the fief; corvées established by unjust decrees; corvées arbitrary, and even phantastical; servitudes; prestations, extravagant and burthensome; collections by assessments incollectible; aveux, minus, impunissemens; litigations ruinous and without end: the rod of seigneural finance for ever shaken over our heads; vexation, ruin, outrage, violence, and destructive servitude, under which the peasants, almost on a level with Polish slaves, can never but be miserable, vile, and oppressed. They demand also, that the use of hand-mills be free; and hope that posterity if possible, may be ignorant that feudal tyranny in Bretagne, armed with the judicial power, has not blushed even in these times at breaking hand-mills, and at selling annually to the miserable, the faculty of bruising between two stones a measure of buck-wheat or barley. The very terms of these complaints are unknown in England, and consequently untranslatable: they have probably arisen long since the feudal system ceased in this kingdom. What are these tortures of the peasantry in Bretagne, which they call chevanchés, quintaines, soule, saut de poisson, baiser de mariées; chansons; transporte d'auf sur un charette; silence des grenouilles; corvée a mi

n

By this horrible law, the people are bound to grind their corn at the mill of the seigneur only; to press their grapes at his press only; and to bake their bread in his oven; by which means the bread is often spoiled, and more especially wine, since in Champagne those grapes which, pressed immediately, would make white Wool nothing. Such mildness, in the wine, by waiting for the press, which often hap-levy of this odious tax, is absolutely uppens, make red wine only.

• Tiers Etat Rennes, p. 159. Rennes, p. 57.

This is a curious article: when the lady of the seigneur lies in, the people are obliged to beat the waters in marshy districts, to keep the frogs silent, that she may not be disturbed; this

known in England. But mild as it was, the

duty, a very oppressive one, is commuted into a pecuniary fine.

Resumé des cahiers, tom. iii. p. 316, 317.

burden to people groaning under so many | whole of their jurisdiction; and of all other

other oppressions, united to render their
situation so bad that no change could be for
the worse. But these were not all the
evils with which the people struggled,
The administration of justice was partial,
venal, infamous. I have, in conversation
with many very sensible men, in different
parts of the kingdom, met with something
of content with their government, in all
other respects than this; but upon the
question of expecting justice to be really
and fairly administered, every one con-
fessed there was no such thing to be looked
for. The conduct of the parliaments was
profligate and atrocious. Upon almost
every cause that came before them, interest
was openly made with the judges: and wo
betided the man who, with a cause to sup-
port, had no means of conciliating favour,
either by the beauty of a handsome wife,
or by other methods. It has been said, by
many writers, that property was as secure
under the old government of France as it is
in England;
and the assertion might pos-
sibly be true, as far as any violence from
the King, his ministers, or the great was
concerned but for all that mass of pro-
perty, which comes in every country to be
litigated in courts of justice, there was not
even the shadow of security, unless the
parties were totally and equally unknown,
and totally and equally honest; in every
other case, he who had the best interest
with the judges, was sure to be the win-
ner. To reflecting minds, the cruelty and
abominable practice attending such courts
are sufficiently apparent. There was also
a circumstance in the constitution of these
parliaments, but little known in England,
and which, under such a government as
that of France, must be considered as very
singular. They had the power, and were
in the constant practice of issuing decrees,
without the consent of the crown, and
which had the force of laws through the

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laws, these were sure to be the best obeyed; for as all infringements of them were brought before sovereign courts, composed of the same persons who had enacted these laws (a horrible system of tyranny!) they severity. It must appear strange, in a were certain of being punished with the last government so despotie-in some respects as that of France, to see the parliaments iu without the King's consent, and even in every part of the kingdom making laws defiance of his authority. The English, whom I met in France in 1789, were surprised to see some of these bodies issuing arrets against the export of corn out of the provinces subject to their jurisdiction, into the neighbouring provinces, at the same time that the King, through the organ of so popular a minister as Mons. Necker, was decreeing an absolutely free transport of corn throughout the kingdom, and even at the requisition of the National Assembly itself. But this was nothing new; it was their common practice. The parliament of Rouen passed an arret against killing of calves: it was a preposterous one, and opposed by administration; but it had its full

force; and had a butcher dared to offend against it. he would have found, by the rigour of his punishment, who was his court in Louis XV.'s time; but the parlia master. Inoculation was favoured by the ment of Paris passed an arret against it, much more effective in prohibiting, than the favour of the court in encouraging that practice. Instances are innumerable, and I may remark, that the bigotry, ignorance, false principles, and tyranny of these bodies were generally conspicuous; and that dispute with a parliament, but the parlia the court (taxation excepted), never had a ment was sure to be wrong. Their constitution, in respect to the administration of justice, was so truly rotten, that the members sat as judges, even in causes of private property, in which they were themselves the parties, and have, in this capacity, been guilty of oppressions and cruelties, which the crown has rarely dared to attempt.

It is impossible to justify the excesses of the people on their taking up arms; they were certainly guilty of cruelties; it is idle to deny the facts, for they have been proved too clearly to admit of a doubt. But is it really the people to whom we are to impute the whole?-Or to their oppressors, who had kept them so long in a state of bondage? He who chooses to be served by

may not find an interest in public confusions. They will always suffer much and long, before they are effectually roused; nothing, therefore, can kindle the flame, but such oppressions of some classes of order in the society, as give able men the opportunity of seconding the general mass; discontent will soon diffuse itself around; and if the government take not warning in time, it is alone answerable for all the burnings, and plunderings, and devastation, and blood that follow. The true judgment to be formed of the French revolution, must

slaves, and by ill-treated slaves, must know that he holds both his property and life by a tenure far different from those who prefer the service of well treated freemen; and he who dines to the music of groaning sufferers, must not, in the moment of insurrection, complain that his daughters are ravished, and then destroyed; and that his sons throats are, cut. When such evils happen, they surely are more imputable to the tyranny of the master, than to the cruelty of the servant. The analogy holds with the French peasants-the murder of a seigneur, or a chateau in flames, is re-surely be gained, from an attentive consicorded in every news-paper; the rank of deration of the evils of the old government: the person who suffers, attracts notice; but when these are well understood -and when where do we find the register of that seig- the extent and universality of the oppression neur's oppressions of his peasantry, and his under which the people groaned-opexactions of feudal services, from those pression which bore upon them from every whose children were dying around them quarter, it will scarcely be attempted to be for want of bread? Where do we find the urged, that a revolution was not absolutely minutes that assigned these starving necessary to the welfare of the kingdom. wretches to some vile petty-fogger, to be Not one opposing voice' can, with reason, fleeced by impositions, and a mockery of be raised against this assertion; abuses justice, in the seigneural courts? Who ought certainly to be corrected, and corgives us the awards of the intendant and rected effectually: this could not be done his sub-deleguis, which took off the taxes without the establishment of a new form of of a man of fashion, and laid them with government; whether the form that has accumulated weight, on the poor, who been adopted were the best, is another were so unfortunate as to be his neighbours? question absolutely distinct. But that the Who has dwelt sufficiently upon explaining above-mentioned detail of enormities pracall the ramifications of depotisms, regal, tised on the people required some great aristocratic, and ecclesiastical, pervading change is sufficiently apparent." the whole mass of the people: reaching, like a circulating fluid, the most distant Many opposing voiers have been raised; capillary tubes of poverty and wretchedbut so little to their credit, that I leave the pas. ness? In these cases, the sufferers are too that are rooted in all the old governments of sage as it was written long ago. The abuses ignoble to be known; and the mass too in Europe, give such numbers of men a direct discriminate to be pitied. But should a interest in supporting, cherishing, and deferding philosopher feel and reason thus? should he abuses, that no wonder advocates for tyranuy, mistake the cause for the effect? and giving and almost in every company. What a mass of of every species, are found in every country, all his pity to the few, feel no compassion people, in every part of England, are some way for the many, because they suffer in his or other interested in the present representation eyes not individually, but by millions of the people, tithes, charters, corporations, The excesses of the people cannot, I re-monopolies, and taxation! and not merely to peat, be justified: it would undoubtedly tending them; and how many are there who the things themselves, but to all the abuses at. have done them credit, both as men and derive their profit or their consideration in life, christians, if they had possessed their new not merely from such institutions, but from the acquired power with moderation. But let evils they engender! The great mass of the it be remembered, that the populace in no and will be enlightened by degrees; assuredly people, however, is free from such influence, country ever use power with moderation; they will find out, in every country of Europe, excess is inherent in their aggregate con- that by combinations, on the principles of liberty stitution: and as every government in the and property, aimed equally against rega! arisworld knows, that violence infallibly at-tocratical, and mobbish tyranny, they will be tends power in such hands, it is doubly bound in common sense, and for common safety so to conduct itself, that the people

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bination, which, on principles of plunder and able to resist successfully, that variety of comdespotism, is every where at work to enslave them.

Printed and published by J. MORTON, No 94, Strand,

VOL. XXV. No. 19.] LONDON, SATURDAY, MAY 7, 1814.

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SUMMARY OF POLITICS. are so.The conduct of the City of London, I mean of the Lord Mayor and AFFAIRS OF FRANCE.CITY AD- Corporation, exhibits an object well worthy DRESS.——-Every day something of im- of our attention. Not a county has moved portance transpires as to the affairs of this in the way of addressing the Prince. No great nation, which must necessarily be, a city, or town, besides London. Not for a while, the chief object of our atten- even one of those commodious and easilytion. It is of great consequence to ob-managed little bodies, called loyal and erve the feeling, which the late change in ancient Boroughs. There seems to be a France has produced, and is daily pro-general coldness upon the occasion; the ducing in England.-So general as was the bride has no sooner been enjoyed than cast wish for the fall of Napoleon, and so away.Say, ye sons and daughters of trong the apparent conviction, that it was war, what is the cause of this? but, lest he, and only he, that stood between us and you should not, I will say it for you.—Į political happiness, that one would natural-have before observed, and I now repeat it ly have expected to see a corresponding upon the conviction of experience, that satisfaction at the so long prayed-for event. those who profited directly by the war, reBut, somehow or other, there prevails angret its discontinuance; but, there is anoastonishing coldness and indifference. The ther class, who, not wishing for war in honey-moon has passed away as quickly as the abstract, regret that the war has terin cases where the bride is a piece of patch-minated in the manner that it has ter work and paint, and where the lately an- minated. I allude to that class of perxiously expecting lover has sufficiently sons, who are the enemies of liberty in recovered his senses to be able to estimate all cases; who, not without a selfish mothe real value of his prize.-Must it not tive, however, dread the triumph of freeappear wonderful, that this event should dom, in any part of the world; and who have excited no impression of joy to last think nothing gained so long as any one for ten days? Indeed, there were reasons, principle of the rights of the people remain as I stated before, why it should not. I not rooted out.It has been observed, observed, that all those who had been the that the endless crowds of contractors, loudest at former rejoicings, were persons professors of military tactics, pursers, payprofiting by the war, who, of course, would masters, barrack-masters, doctors, proctors, not long rejoice at an event which promis- agents, commissaries, inspectors, commised them, or, rather, the country, real peace. sioners, &c. &c. together with all their But, still, one would have thought, that, deputies, clerks, &c. having become rich for mere decency's sake, they would have by the war, will now retire and enjoy their put on the outward appearance of joy, ariches in peace. But those who make sham satisfaction at the accomplishment of this observation, seem to forget, that there their so-long professed wishes. They have is a succession of beings, who feed on war, not, however, been able to get the better of as well as of all the other descriptions of inward and real chagrin at the result of animated nature. Granted, that the fullthe war with France. They preserve a plumed PURSER, for instance, will not only sulky silence; they come forward with none be content to retire upon his gains of their addresses to the Government, as and enjoy the shade of trees formerly they have been accustomed to at events, the property of some ancient house, but tending to prolong the war and to extin- that his moderation and modesty may guish freedom. They resort to none of induce him to use all the means in his their old tricks of delusion. They are power to efface the recollection of the chop-fallen, and, at first blush of the mat-source, whence those gains were deten, it seems difficult to explain why they rived. But, it should be recoller

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