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finally received its death blow from the hands of invaders, will live in the remembrance of all who respect the freedom and independence of nations. I should have willingly endeavoured to assist in preserving this recollection, by inserting it in the Register; but its great length precludes. the giving of it in detail, at least in one number.—I shall therefore, conclude this article with the introductory part of it, which will enable the reader, by a comparison with the outline of the new French Constitution already published, to determine which of them deserves the preference; and, if it is afterwards thought expedient, I shall give the concluding articles in subsequent numbers :- The French Constitution, adopted by the Convention, August 22, 1795. New Declaration of the rights and duties of man, and of a citizen.—The French People proclaim, in the presence of the Supreme Being, the following declaration of the rights and duties of man, and of a citizen: Rights.-1. The rights of man in society are—liberty, equality, security, property.—II. Liberty consists in the power of doing that which does not injure the rights of another.—III. Equality consists in this—that the law is the same for all, whether it protect or punish; Equality admits no distinction of birth, no hereditary power.—IV. Security results from the concurrence of all to secure the rights of each—V. Property is the right of enjoying and disposing of a man's own goods, his revenues, the fruit of his labour, and his industry. —VI. The law is the general will expressed by the majority, either of the citizens, or of their representatives.— VII. That which is not forbidden by the law cannot be hindered.—No man can be constrained to that which the law ordains not.—VIII. No one can be cited, accused, arrested, or detained, but in the cases determined by the law, and according to the forms it has prescribed.—IX. Those who solicit, expedite, sign, execute, or cause to be executed, arbitrary acts, are culpable, and ought to be punished.—X. All rigour not necessary to secure the person of a man under charge, ought to be severely repressed by the law.—XI. No man can be judged until he has been heard, or legally summoned.—XII. The law ought not to decree any punishment but such as is strictly necessary, and proportioned to the offence. —XIII. All treatment that aggravates the punishment determined by the law is a

crime.—XIV. No law, climinal or civil, can have a retroactive effect.—XV. Every man may engage his time and his services; but he cannot sell himself or be sold; his person is not an alienable property.—XVI. All contribution is established for general utility: it ought to be assessed upon the contributors in proportion to their means. —XVII. The sovereignty resides essentially in the universality of citizens—XVIII. No individual, and no partial union of citizens, can arrogate the sovereignty.—XIX. No man can, without a legal delegation, exercise any authority, nor fill any public function.—XX. Each citizen has an equal right to concur immediately or mediately in the formation of the law, the nomination of the representatives of the people, and the public functionaries.—XXI. Public functions cannot become the property of those who exercise them.—XXII. The social guarantee cannot exist, if the division of powers is not established, if their limits are not fixed, and if the responsiblity of the public functionaries is not assured. Duties. I. The declaration of rights contains the obligations of legislators: the maintenance of society demands that those who compose it should equally know, and fulfil their duties.—II. All the duties of man, and of a citizen, spring from these two principles, engraved by nature in every heart:—“Do not to another that which you would not another should do to you.” —“Do constantly to others the good you would receive from them.”—III. The obligations of every one in society consist in defending it, in serving it, in living obedient to the laws, and in respecting those who are the organs of them.–IV, No man is a

ood citizen, if he is not a good son, a good father, a good brother, a good friend, a good husband.—V. No man is a good man, if he is not frankly and religiously an observer of the laws.-VI. He who openly. violates the laws, declares himself in a state of war with society.—VII. He who, without openly infringing the laws, eludes them by craft or by address, hurts the interests of all: he renders himself unworthy o their benevolence and of their esteem.— VIII. Upon the maintenance of property rest the cultivation of the earth, all produce, all means of labour, and all social order—IX. Every citizen owes his service to his country, and to the maintenance of liberty, of equality, and of property, as i. as the law calls upon him to defend , them,

: The White Cockane.—The streets of London-must, en.Wednesday hist, have appeared to a stranger quite chearful; give: ing him, by the innumerable white-cockades parading up and down, the idea of a great number of weddings, according to the good old English custom of servants

tain permission to depart.—Like the chil

dren of Israel comińg out of Egypt, none o of these will go away empty handed: what they may have acquired by arts, and indus-try, or by favour, they will take with them.” This, unquestionably, will be a real public loss. Bank notes will, no doubt, remain,"

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dynasty, than for the purpose of making: our own government more secure. Nay,”

it, would not be sat all extraordinary, if Louis XVIII. should insist upon the restitution of such Frenchmen of war, as were seized by us at the commencement of the revolution, ander the pretence of keeping them for his family, should they afterwards. regain the crown; or alledge, that we could have taken possession of the French West India islands with no other view, and, therefore, demand their restoration also.-However, if peace is to ensue, there will be no great harm in giving back to the Bourbons, the fleet and islands we took from their nation; for, I apprehend, we, good Englishmen, are to resume our. old natural enmity to Prance;” and, however highly we may think of the royal race, we are still bound-to consider the nation, excepting the noblesse and all the emigrants, what we used to consider thern, frog-eaters and slaves. But, taking it in another point of view; in counting the vast number of white cockades that have made their appearance, we may give a pretty accurate guess at the sums expended in supporting the wearers of thein, and think it a happy deliverance to the nation, that we shall no longer have to pay these hangers-on their respective pensions; at least, we may hope, that these will be put astop to when the receivers of them ob

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but they will take with them gold and valuables. Of the amount we can form no just estimate. The French emigrants, French prisoners, and Englishmen who will emigrate, cannot however, be supposed to take less than what the law allows —namely—five guineas each person. This much then will add to the difficulty felt by the great scarcity of gold. Their departure will likewise thin the metropolis and, the country of inhabitants; thus making room, before winter sets in, for the admission of an equal number of Hungarians, Prussians, Russians, and Cossacks, to the very great delight and satisfaction of our shop-keepers, inn-keepers, and farmers, as: also of their charming wives and daughters.

Counter Revolution IN FRANce Since the publicution of last number of the Register, accounts have been received that the Senate has dissolved the Provisional Government, and that Monsieur has taken upon him the executive power until Louis the XVIII. arrives in his capital. Prior to the suspension of the Provisional Government, a decree was published, declaring the white cockade to be the “national cockade, and the only rallying sign of the French;” and another; liberating all prisoners in France belonging to the allied s. On their dissolution they closed their labours, which had continued only about ten days, with the following address to the army:-‘‘Soldiers, you no longer serve Napoleon, but you belong always to the country. Your first oath of fidelity was to it—that outh is irrevocable and sa-' cred.—The new Constitution secures to you your honours, your ranks, and your pensions. The Senate and the Provisional Government have recognized your rights. They are confident that you will never forget your duties. From this moment your sufferings and your fatigues cease; but your. glory remains entire. Peace will assure to you the reward of your labours—What was your fate under the government which’ is now no more? D from the banks" of the Tagus to those of the Danube—from the Nile to the Dnieper—by turns scorched by the heatofthe désartoor frozen by the cold of the North, you ailed-use”

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lessly for France,—a monstrous greatness, the weight of which fell back upon you, as upon the rest of the world. So many thousand brave men have been but the instruments and the victims of a force without prudence, which wanted to found an empire without proportion. How many have died unknown to increase the renown of one man! They did not even enjoy that which was their due. Their families, at the end of a campaign, could not obtain the certainty of their glorious end, and do themselves honour by their deeds in arms. —All is changed; you will no more perish 500 leagues from your country for a cause which is not her’s. Princes born Frenchmen will spare your blood, for their blood is yours. Their ancestors governed yours. Time perpetuated between them, and as a long inheritance of recollections, of interests and reciprocal services, this ancient race has produced Kings, who were named the fathers of the people. It gave us Henry IV. whom warriors still call the valiant King, and whom the country people will always call the good King. It is to his descendants that your fate is confided. Can you entertain any alarm for it? They admired in a foreign land the prodigies of French valour; they admired while they lamented their return was delayed by many useless exploits. . These Princes are at length in the midst of you; they have been unfortunate like Henry IV.; they will reign like him. They are not ignorant that the most distinguished portion of their great family, is that which compose the army; they will watch over their first children. Remain then faithful to your standards-Good cantonments shall be allotted to you. There are amongyou young warriors who are already veteransinglory; their wounds have doubled their age. These may, if they please, return and grow old in the places of their nativity with honourable rewards; the others will continue to follow the profession of arms, with all the hopes of advancement and stability which it can offer.—Soldiers of France! let French sentiments animate you—open your hearts to all family affections—keep your heroism for the defence of your country, not to invade foreign territories; keep your heroism, but let not ambition render it fatal to yourselves: let it no longer

be a source of uneasiness to the rest of
Europe.” ***
In the Moniteur of the 14th inst. the

following detail is given of what took place that day in the Senate:—“PARIs, Arail

The Prince of Benevento.
Valence.

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14.—Monsieur has received to-day, at eight in the evening, the Senate and the Legislative Body.—The Senate was presented to his Royal Highness by the Prince of Benevente, its President, who said— ‘Monseigneur—The Senate brings to your Royal Highness the offer of its most respectful submission—It has invited the return of your august House to the throne of France. Too well instructed by the present and the past, it desires, in common with the nation, for ever to found the Royal authority on a just division of power and on public liberty, which are the only securities of the happiness and liberty of all. —Monsei —the Senate, in the moments of public joy, obliged to remain apparently more calm in the limits of its duties, is not less a partaker in the universal sentiments of the le.—Your Royal Highness will read in our hearts, through the reserve of our language—each of us, as a Frenchman, has joined in those of feeling and profound emotions, which have accompanied you ever since your entrance into the capital of your ancestors, and which are still more lively under the roof of this palace, to which hope and joy are at length returned with a descendant of St. Louis and Henry IV.-For myself, my Lord, allow me to congratulate myself on being the organ of the Senate which has chosen me to be the interpreter of its sentiments to your Royal Highness. The Senate, knowing my attachment to its members, has been pleased to reserve for me a delightful and honourable moment. The most delightful, in fact, are those in which we approach your Royal Highness, to renew to you the expressions of our respect, and our love.” The following is the decree of the Senate:—The Senate commits the Provisional Government of France to his Royal Highness the Count D'Artois, under the title of Lieutenant-General of the kingdom, until Louis Stanilaus Xavier de France, called to the throne of the French, shall have accepted the Constitutional Charter. The Senate resolves, that the decree of this day, concerning the Provisional Government of France, shall be presented this evening by the Senate, in a body, to his Royal Highness the Count d'Artois-The President and Secretaries, Count De Count De PAstoret.” His Royal Highness answered—“Gentle-men—I have acquainted myself with the Constitutional Act, which recals to the

| throne of France the King, my august bro-.

ther. I have not received from him the power to accept the Constitution; but I know his sentiments and his principles, and I do not fear to be disavowed by him, when I assure you, in his name, that he will admit the basis of it.—The King, in declaring that he would maintain the actual form of Government, has then acknowledged that the Monarchy ought to be balanced by a Representative Government, divided into two Houses. These two Houses (Chambres) are the Senate and the House of the Deputies of the Departments; that the taxes shall be freely granted by the Representatives of the Nation; public and private liberty secured; the freedom of the press respected, under the restrictions nece for public order and tranquillity; the liberty of worship guaranteed; that property shall be invio..lable and sacred; the ministers responsible, liable to be accused and prosecuted by the Representatives of the nation; that the judges shall be for life; the judicial power independent, no one being liable to be tried by any other than his natural judges; that the public debt shall be guaranteed; that pensions, dignities, military honours, shall be preserved, as well as the new and the ancient nobility; the legion of honour maintained, the King will fix its insignia; that every Frenchman shall be capable of military and civil employments; that no individual can be called to account for his opinions and his votes; and that the sale of national estates shall be irrevocable— These, Gentlemen, are, it seems to me, the basis which are essential and necessary. to ensure all rights, trace all duties, secure the continuation of all existing institutions, and guarantee our future situation.” . After this discourse his Royal Highness added—“I thank you in the name of the King, my brother, for the share you have had in the return of our legitimate Sovereign, and for having thus secured the happiness of France, for which the King and all his family are ready to sacrifice their blood. -There can be no longer any difference of sentiments among us; we must no more recal the past; we must from henceforward-be a nation of brothers. During the time that I shall have the power in my hands, which time I hope will be very short, I shall employ all my efforts in labouring for the public happiness”—One of the members of the Senate crying out, “He is a true descendant of Henry IV."— ...'. His blood,” said Monsieur, “really dows in my veins; I should wish to have

his talents, but I am sure of having his heart and love for the French.”—After the Senate, the members of the Legislative Body who were at Paris at the time of the happy event which restores us our King, and the deputies of the neighbouring departments, who have eagerly repaired to Paris, were admitted to an audience of his Royal Highness. Mr. Felix Faulcon, the Vice-President, spoke as follows,-‘‘My Lord—The long misfortunes which have oppressed France, have at last reached their period; the throne will now again be filled with the descendants of that good Henry, whom the French people are proud and delighted to call their own; and the Legislative Body is happy in expressing this day to your Royal Highness, the joy and the hopes of the nation; the deep wounds of our country cannot be healed but by the tutelary concurrence of the will of all. No MoRe Divisions, your Royal Highness has said, at the first step you took in this capital; it was worthy of your Highness to pronounce these sweet words, which have already re-echoed in every heart.”— Monsieur expressed his happiness at being in the midst of the Representatives of the French people. ‘We are all Frenchmen," said his Royal Highness; ‘we are all brothers. The King will soon arrive among us; his only happiness will be to secure the happiness of France, and to make its past misfortunes forgotten. Let us think only on the future. I congratulate you, Gentlemen of the Legislative Body, on your courageous resistance to tyranny, while there was great danger in it. At length we are all Frenchmen."—The speech of . his Royal Highness was followed by universal acclamations. The Deputies of the departments will relate to their fellowcitizens the lively impressions which they have experienced in addressing, for the first time, the wishes of France to a descendant of our Kings, in the Palace of Louis XIV.” After Monsieur had taken upon himself the exercise of the Royal Authority, the Moniteur of the 17th gives the following particulars “Paris, April 16.—Monsieur, Lieutenant-General of the kingdom, has appointed the following persons to be members of the Provisional Council of State; Messieurs to Prince of Benevento, the Duke of Cornegliano, Marshal of France; the Duke of Reggio, ditto; the Duke of Dalberg; the Count de Jaucourt, Senator; General Count Bournonville, Senator; L’Abbe de Montesguiou; General Dessolles—General Vitrolles, Provisional

Secretary of State, will perform the functions of Secretary to the Council—The Members comprising the Sections of the Council of State, have had to day an audièncé of Monsieur.—Count Bergin 'addressed his Royal Highness as follows:– “My Lord—ihe Council of State is happy at seeing the return of your Royal Highness to the capital, and the palace of your ancestors.-At'length the descendants of St. Louis and Henry IV. are restored to us. Our hearts belong to the King and his *august family, and our thoughts, our zeal, our homage, are his due—Our decrees, my Lord, are to be serviceable to the Sovereign and the country, to see the wounds of France healed, which is at last become the common country of its Monarch and his subjects, and to behold our august ‘Monarch happy in the happiness of his people.” Monsieur was pleased to make a most gracious reply to this speech in which, among other expressions, he declared that he partook of the sentiments which the members of the Sections of the Council of State had just expressed to him, and that the King and his Royal Highness had never doubted of their attachment and their zeal for the service of the State.— On the same day, the following act of the government was announced:—-‘‘ We, Charles Philip, of France, Son of France

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Monsieur, brother to the King, Lieutenant

General of the Kingdom, make known; —The circumstances which have passed,

had made it requisite that we should give

in the name of the King our august broother, commissions more or less extensive. Those who were charged with them have fulfilled them honourably; they all tended to the re-establishment ofthe monarchy, of order—and of peace.—This re-establishment is happily effected by the union of all

hearts, all rights, all interests. The Go

vernment has assumed a regular course: all kinds of business must be henceforward done by the Magistrates, or others to whose departments they belong. The particular commissions are therefore become useless —they are revoked, and those who were invested, will abstain from making any further use of them.–Given and sealed at Paris, at the Palace of the Thuilleries, April 16.--(Signed)—CHARLes Philip. Monsieu R,-Lieut.Gen. of the Kingdom. —The Provisional Secretary of State,_ (Signed)—Baron Vitrolles.” The Emperor NAroleon.—If the following article, which appeared in the Courier of the 21st instant, is correct,

Printed and published by J

‘Bonaparte is not only to retain his title of Fmperor, but, it would seem; that there has been some misunderstanding between the Allied Powers and us respecting the final drrangements with Napoleon.—“It is said, that bn ‘the-F1th instant, the date assigned by the Paris Papers to BonsPARTÉ's act of abdication, a treaty was actually signed between him and the Allied Powers, Englandercepted, by which he is to keep, notwithstanding his abdication; the title of Emperor.”—I am inclined to think there is some truth its this-statement," which is only a repetition of what appeared a few days ago in a morning pa. per. Well, then, the Emperor Napoleon, as we are again permitted to call him, has at hist set out for the island of Elba. . The Empress, had an interview with her father at Little Triannon on the 16th; but whether she is, or is not, to accompany her husband in his exile, has not yet transpired. It is said that she is to retire to the Duchy of Parma, which she is to receive as a pātrimony, and to which the young king is to succeed on her decease. But if, as I have been informed, she really-entertains a sincere attachment for Napoleon, I do not suppose that any consideration will induce her to give him up.” *. . Oćcurresces or the war.—ídid not expect to be again obliged to adopt this title; but some circumstances have occurred which still render it necessary. At Thoulouse and Bayonne several serious affairs have taken place between our troops and those under the command of Marshal Soult, and, although the official accounts have not arrived, the loss on both sides seems to have been very great. A good deal is said, in our newspapers, about these contests having been occasioned by treachery; but few or none of them are willing to admit, that the determined manner in which the French troops have so recently fought in this and other quarters, affords a proof that Napoleon might have succeeded in rallying another powerful army, and perhaps have overcome his opponents, had he not preferred the interests of France to the glory of continuing to reign over her, acquired at the expence of a civil war.

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