famy, there is no public feeling in this in something more than dreams of the most country stronger than that of indignation unmeasured ambition. We need not here against the Americans. That a republic detail the long history of fraud and falseboasting of its freedom should have stoop-hood by which he at length succeeded in ed to become the tool of that monster's deluding his countrymen into war. Sufambition; that it should have attempted fice it to say, he had two objects in that to plunge the parricidal weapon into the war:-first, to sap the foundations of our heart of that country from whence it's own maritime greatness, by denying the alleorigin was derived; that it should have giance of our sailors; and, secondly, to chosen the precise moment when it fancied seize on our colonial possessions on the that Russia was overwhelmed, to attempt main land of America, leaving it to a fu to consummate the ruin of Britain-all this tute occasion to lay hands on our insular is conduct so black, so loathsome, so hate-settlements in the West Indies. Perhaps, ful, that it naturally stirs up the indigna- when he finds himself unexpectedly detion that we have described. Nevertheless prived of the buckler under which he aim-> there is in this case the same popular error, ed these stabs at our vital existence-the that there was, not long since, when France nighty NAPOLEON, the Protector in petto was identified in the minds of most men, of the Columbian Confederacy-he may with the name of BUONAParte. The be willing to draw in his horns, and sneak. American Government is in point of fact, away from his audacious undertakings. as much a tyranny (though we are far from But shall we have the extreme folly to let saying it is so horrible a one) as was that him off thus? When we have wrested the of BUONAPARTE: and as we firmly urged dagger from the bravo's hand, shall we the principle of No Peace with BuONA- quietly return it to him to put up in its PARTE; so to be consistent with ourselves, sheath? No. No,,, Mr. MADISON him we must in like manner maintain the doc- self, in his very last public speech, has furtrince of NO PEACE WITH JAMES nished us with a most apposite rule of conMADISON. The reasons for this are duct, which he cannot blame us for adopttwofold, as respecting this country, and as ing, since he avowedly follows it himselfrespecting America. A very little reflec- namely, that we should not only chastise tion will render them sufficiently manifest. the Savages into present peace, but make a In the first place, hatred of England is lasting impression on their fears."- Hither the fundamental point in the policy of Mr. to we have considered the Americans as MADISON. He is the ostensible organ of identified with Mr. MADISON's govern-a party, all whose thoughts, feelings, and ment; but is this the fact? So much the sentiments are guided by this master key. reverse, that it has been openly proposed Some of the statesmen of this school have in some of the States to treat for peace not blushed to assert in full Senate; that with Great, Britain separately; and they the world ought to rejoice, if Britain were would act wisely and justifiably in adoptsunk in the sea;' if, where there are now ing this measure. The Eastern States, the men, and wealth, and laws, and liberty, most moral, the most, cultivated, the most: "there were no more than a sandbank for intelligent, the best in every respect, are the sea-monsters to fatten on, a space for at this instant reduced to a complete thralthe storms of the ocean to mingle in con- drom by the Southern States, under the flict. Such is the deep rooted antipathy forms of a constitution, which the prevailwhich these wicked men have to the landing faction violates at pleasure. The of their forefathers! With such men Mr. small States,' says FISHER AMES, are. MADISON acts; and he himself before the now in vassalage: they obey the nod of accession of his party to power, expressly Virginia. The Constitution sleeps with laid it down as a principle (on the discus- WASHINGTON, having no mourners, but sion of Mr. Jay's negociation), that no the virtuous, and no monument but his treaty should be made with the enemy of tory Our vote and influence (those of France... His love for the latter country, the Eastern States) avail no more than that however, was but an adjunct of the hatred of the Isle of Man in the politics of Great which he entertained towards us: and he Britain.' If this was true before the anhated us for the very same reason, that nexation of Louisiana, how much more BUONAPARTE did because we stand in strikingly so now, that that addition. has the way of any state that aspires at univer quite broken down all balance between sal dominion;4 for, young as is the trans- the States, and poured an irresistible stream atlantic Republic, ithas already indulged of cornupt influence into the channel of the

Executive! What is very remarkable is, I servedly enjoys a much greater popularity

in America. These, and arany more such writers as these, have kept alive the fire of genuine British liberty in the United States, Whilst, on the other hand, the miserable blunders of the DEARBORN's, and Hoé÷ KINS's, and WILKINSON'S, and HAMP TON's, and all the long list of defeated ge nerals,, have thrown a ridicule on that invasion of Canada which was one of the great baits of the war. Lastly comes the fall of Mr. MADISON'S grand patron attended with the execration and scorn of all Eu rope. Can we doubt, that a vigorous ef furt on our part will annihilate the power of a faction alike hostile to Britain, and fatal to America? Is not the time propitious for winning at least the sounder and bet ter part of the Americans to an union of interests with the country from whence they sprung?"- -It is impossible to read this article, without being convinced, that there

1

to see America recolorized; who wish to see our king restored in America, as the Bourbons have been in France; for, Mr MADISON is the chosen. President of the Union; he does nothing of himself; it is the President, the Congress, and the Peo

that the preponderance, of the Southern States is chiefly owing to the slaves they contain! The number of votes which each State has in the national government; is determined by the whole population, Hence, though the slave has no political existence, he gives a weight to his master over a free man in a different State and by another curious but not uncommon paradox in human nature, the slave owner there is generally a furious democrat, and the democrat. has hitherto been the most servile of the tyrant's adherents. Clear, therefore, is it, that the free Constitution of the United States is either incompetent in itself to afford an equal protection to the wisest and best part of the Union; or else that Constitution has been violated and overthrown by the faction of which Mr. MADISON is the ostensible head; and, in either case, the oppressed States would act justly to themselves, to separate their inter-are men; who seriously entertain the wish ests from those of the incapable and treacherous individual who has dragged them reluctantly into a war no less inglorious than unjust. When we speak of these and the like crimes as perpetrated by Mr. MADISON individually, we only mean to use his name in the common way, in which per-ple, all acting in concert. Yet, he is to be sons in eminent stations are generally spo- put down; no peace is to be made with ken of. He stands at the head of the list, him any more than with NAPOLEON; the not but that Mr. GALLATIN may be more government of the States is a tyranny; the artful, Mr. CLAY more furious, Mr. JEF- constitution is violate, or as inefficient; its FERSON more malignant, and so on; and existence is inimical to lasting peace; the besides, there is a ferocious banditti be- time is propitious for winning the sound longing to his party, of whom, perhaps, he er part of the States, at least, to an union of himself stands in awe, and who, as they interests with the country, whence they consist of Irish traitors, and fugitive bank- sprang.. These are sentiments and decla rupts and swindlers, from all parts of the rations to begin with; but, in fact, they go: United Kingdom, may easily be conceived the whole length of recolonization, and to exceed even the native Americans in that is the project now on foot amongst the rancour against Great Britain: but, the foes of freedom, who seem to be resolved more shameless and abandoned are the in- to prove to us, that those friends of liberty! dividuals who compose this faction, the in America, who did not wish for the exgreater odium must be cast on Mr. MADI tinguishment of NAPOLEON, despot as he SON himself, in the eyes of the moral and was, were not without sound reasonsreflecting part of the American population. for their sentiments. They saw; that, It is a great mistake to suppose that the though he had betrayed the republican United States are wholly deficient in cla- cause, if he were put down there wouldr racters of this latter description. They be men ready to urge projects of the dehave had many wise and many eloquent scription of that of which wey are now men, whose words. yet live in the hearts speaking. This language towards the and in the meditations of their country men. United States was never made use of; sen-; Mr. WALSH, the accomplished. editor of timents like these wero never hazarded, the American Review, has attained a high while NAPOLEON was in power; but, the literary reputation even in this country; moment he is down, these men turn their and though the late FISHER AMES (the hostile eyes towards America, the only re- ̈ BURKE of the western hemisphere), is not public left upon the face of the earth! so much known in this country, he de-Our quarrel with America ceases with the

account; and, in short, that this might be made an immense source of income, and an infallible security to the paper-system.

scriptions for the war: one will see in America a dangerous maritime rival; a maritime power which grows, like her own Indian corn, almost visibly to the eye. They will mix this apprehension with the the feelings of mortification and revenge arising from the naval victories of America, which are not to be washed away by the fall of NAPOLEON, nor of fifty Napoleons at his heels. These are honourable-minded men, loving their country; not able to endure the idea of her ever, at any time, ceasing to be mistress of the ocean, and so terrified at that idea as to lose sight, in the pursuit of a preventive remedy, all notion of justice, humanity and freedom. Another description of politicians, animated solely by their hatred of whatever gives liberty to man, will see in America, what, indeed, they have always seen, and for which they have always hated her, an asylum for the oppressed; a dwelling for real liberty; an example of a people, enjoying the height of prosperity and the greatest safety of person and property, without any hereditary titles, without any army, and almost without taxes; a country, where the law knows nothing about religion or its ministers; where every man

war. There being peace in Europe, the quarrel is at an end without any discussions. But this writer passes over all the subject of quarrel. The American Presi---Of politicians there will be two dedent and Government are bad. That is now, according to him, to be the ground of the war; and, we are to have no peace with them. I will pass over the impudent falsehoods, which this writer utters as to the conduct of Mr. Madison and the nature and effects of the American Government; and come at once to what is most interesting to us now; namely, FIRST, whether a war for the recovery of the American States as colonies would be popular in England; and SECOND, whether it would be likely to succeed.As to the first, I have no hesitation in expressing my belief, that it would be, for a while at least, the most popular war in which England was ever engaged, the reasons for which opinion I will now. state.In the first place, peace, real and lasting peace, and a vast reduction of our forces, would be total ruin to a great number of persons and families. All these will wish for ever, no matter with whom, or upon what grounds. They will be for the war for the same reason that undertakers are for deaths, and without being, any more than these, chargeable with any malicious motive. The farmers will be for war, upon much about the same principles; they being of opinion, no matter whether erro-pursues his own notions in religious matneously or not, that war makes corn dear. -Here are two very numerous classes of persons. A third is the land-owners in general, who believe, that peace will lower their rents, without lowering their taxes. The ship-owners and builders fear Ame-where bribery and corruption are unknown, rica, who can build and sail much cheaper and where the putting of a criminal to than they can, and who, if left at quiet, death is nearly as rare as an eclipse of the would cover the sea with their ships. Sun or Moon. This description of politiThe great manufacturers ever will be for cians look at America as Satan is said to a war, likely, as they think, to tear up, have eyed our first parents in the Garden root and branch, those establishments of Eden; not with feelings of envy, but which are not only supplying America her- with those of deadly malice. They would self, but must, in a few years, especially exterminate the people and burn up the with the emigration of artizans to America, country. The example of such a people become our rival, and supplant us, all over "sears the eye balls." They will tell us, the world. Besides, if America were to that, while that example exists, nothing is be recovered, we should, they think, have done; nothing is secured; nothing is safe: a monopoly of supplying her.--Even the they will endeavour to terrify the governstock-holders, though they might, gene- ment and the nation by describing the rally wish for peace, might probably be emigrations which will take place from persuaded, that the recolonization of Europe; the numbers of artizans and of America would afford the means of lessen-people of enterprize that will crowd to ing the national debt; that America might America, adding to her population, extendbe made to bear a share of the debt; that ing her knowledge, increasing her means the lands there might be sold for our of all sorts, and enabling her, in a short

ters; where there are no sinecures, no pensions, no grants of public money to individuals; where the people at large choose their representatives in the legislature, their presidents, governors, and sheriffs,

time, to spread far and wide what they | Eastern States, will heartily participate in call her disorganizing principles.—This our joy at the fall of NAPOLEON and the last description of politicians have the press restoration of the Bourbons. Will they greatly in their hands; the press is the not, on the contrary, be terribly alarmed?. most powerful instrument; and it will, in And will not those, who have cried out this case, have prejudice, supposed private against the government for aiding NAPO-. interest, passion, and all in favour of its LEON, as they called it, begin to fear the efforts. These are the reasons, on which consequences of his fall, when the project · I found my opinion as to the popularity of of the Times reaches their ears, and when such a war; but, yet, I hope and trust, they find that there are writers in Eugthat the Ministers and the Prince Regent land, who already openly propose to make will not be carried away by such notions. war upon them for the express purpose of. It is for them to consider, what is best for subverting their government and effecting the country, and permanently best; and in America what has been effected in not to suffer their judgment to be warped France, namely a restoration? Mr. AMES by an out-cry, proceeding from the selfish- is complimented by this writer as the ness of some and the rage of others. BURKE of America, and I dare say, that With regard to the SECOND question: Mr. AMES would have liked very well to whether a war for the recolonization of get a pension of three thousand pounds a America would be likely to succeed? I year; but, in that respect he was not so › think it would not. I must, however, lucky as his great prototype. Mr. AMES confess, that I agree with the author of the was a poor drivelling hankerer after aris- ̧ above article, that "the time is propitious" tocracy. His party wished to establish a in the highest degree. Not only have we sort of petty noblesse: they wanted to an army ready organized; composed of make some honorary distinctions. The the best stuff; best commanded; best ap- people took the alarm; put them out of pointed and provided; best disciplined, in power, and they have ever since been enthe world, but we do not know what to do deavouring to tear out the vitals of their with it in the way of employment, and it country. The fall of NAPOLEON, howwould be, for a year, at least, as expensive ever, will leave them wholly without supin peace as in war. We have more than a port from the people, when that people. sufficiency of ships of war to carry this hears that the first consequence of that army across the Atlantic, without crowd-fall is a proposition, in the English public ing and without the aid of a single transport. In Europe we have nothing to fear. France will, for some years, have enough to do at home. It is the same in Spain and Holland; and, besides, what are any of them to do without fleets, and where, in the whole world is there a fleet but in England?-Now, then, what are the Americans to do against this army and this fleet? I have no doubt, that our army would waste the sea-coast; that it would, at first, beat the Americans wherever they met them; that it would, if it chose, demolish some towns and occupy others; that it would make the Congress change its place of sitting; but, unless the States divided, I have no idea, the such a war would finally succeed, and it appears to me, that the fall' of Napoleon, especially coupled with what will be deemed the ruinous language of the Times news-paper, will infallibly silence the voice of faction in America, and will make the whole of the people of one mind as to the necessity of providing for resistance.--The Times seems to sup pose, that the people of America, or, at least, a part of them, and especially in the

prints, to treat THEIR government as that of NAPOLEON has been treated, and upon precisely the same principle, namely, that it is a despotism.—As I said before, I trust, that our government is too wise to be led to the adoption of any such project; but, if they were, what could our friends in America say? They have been asserting, for years past, that ours was the cause of freedom against a despot. What will they say if we make war upon them upon the same principle, and for the same end, that we have been making war against NAPOLEON? By Mr. Jefferson and his party it was always concluded, that there was no danger to be apprehended from France, under any circumstances; and that if France, if the new order of things was subdued in France, America would be in great danger. Therefore they always wished, and they acted as if they wished, that France should not be defeated in the result of the war. It is in our power, by making peace with them at once, and waving all dispute about differences that cannot arise during peace, to show them that their fears were groundless; but, will

they not, when they sce the project of the | alluring bait: it presents employment for Times news-paper, hold it up to the teeth Governors of Provinces, Commanders, of their political adversaries, and say, "look Post-masters, Attorneys and Solicitors-Gehere! Here is the first fruits of the fall of neral, Secretaries, Councillors of State, the man whose destruction you told us we Taxing People, Pay-masters, Judges, and ought to assist in producing, and to do any along and nameless list of hangers-on; thing in the upholding of whom you re- but, again, I say, I hope and trust, that presented as impolitic and base." This the Prince Regent and his Ministers will will be their language to those adversaries, have too much wisdom to listen to any who will hang their heads. with shame, such mad and wicked project. It is im unless the author of the Times can make possible, however, for the people of Amea shift, some how or other, to convey to rica not to feel some alarm, and not to them a small portion of his impudence. make preparations accordingly. This lan I think it is clear, then, that the people of guage of our news-papers is quite enough America would, in case such a war were to to excite apprehension; and for this, be made upon them, be united in a spirit of amongst the rest, we have to curse a base; resistance; and, if they were, I have to and degenerate press. idea, that ten such armies as all that we could send, well-disciplined and brave as NEW FRENCH CONSTITUTION. our army is, would finally succeed in sub- Whenever I find the Courier and other duing and recolonizing the country. We hireling prints praising any public measure; might make inroads from Canada; we whenever I read an eulogium in these sermight demolish towns upon the coast; we vile journals on any legislative act of our might destroy manufactories; we might own, or another government, I immedi, lay waste the corn-fields, and burn many ately suspect something wrong; I am then of the mills; we might destroy all the convinced that some design is in contem shipping; we might tear the country a plation, to abridge the liberties of the peogood deal to pieces; but, I do not believe ple; that there is a snake in the grass. that we should, even by adding another which, if not strangled in time, will sooner. eight hundred millions to our debt, secure or later strangle those by whose sufferance. one single colony in the territory now called it exists, and is permitted to become a dan- : the United States of America.Yet, it gerous and formidable enemy. It is true, is really true, that the enemies of Freedom, that whether the new Constitution, which while America remains what she now is, France is about to receive, be acted upon have gained nothing.. NAPOLEON has or not, the situation of the French people been put down; but, then he was an ene- will be better than it was before the Revomy of freedom. He was not owned by lution, and perhaps better, for some time any friend of freedom. France was not a at least, than our own condition under our. republic, nor had she a representative go- present glorious and happy establishvernment under him. The war against ment." But if this is all that the inhabihim was in the name, at least, of the peo-tants of France are to gain by the change; ple. The example, so hateful to the enemies of liberty, of a people happy and free, without distinction of ranks, without an established church, without hereditary power or privilege of any sort, with a press now perfectly free, with legislators and chief-magistrates periodically elected by the people at large; this example still exists, and this country is yet open to all the world; and, to put down this example would, I am of opinion, cost us more blood and more money than it has cost us to put down NAPOLEON. The enemies of free dompromised us peace, darable peace, if we got rid of NAPOLEON; but, scarcely is he down, when they propose to us, a new wun, more, if possible, expensive, in its nature, and probably, longer in its duration. To be sure, America holds out an

if, after the oceans of blood which have been shed, during a revolutionary struggle of more than twenty years to obtain a recognition of their just rights, under a free and representative government; they should now revert to that system which put it in the power of their ancient monarchs, to render them the dupes and slaves of their caprice, or of that of an insolent minister, or a haughty mistress: if, I say, the French nation, is to be placed in circum stances, in which there is a probability, or even a chance of the former tyranny and despotism of the Capets being restored, in appears to me that the return of the Bour bons, instead of being a blessing to France, will be the greatest of all the curses with which she has been visited. Better, a thousand times better, would she have