VOL. XXV. No. 15.] LONDON, SATURDAY, APRIL 9, 1814. [Price 1s. [450 449] other modern heroes, being talked of every SUMMARY Of politics. where, from the nursery-room to the board RUPTURE OF THE NEGOCIATIONS. of our Cabinet Ministers inclusive, it canThis is an occurrence at which I am no way not be wondered at, that the young as well surprised; it is an event which I have fre- as the old, the child, who can scarcely lisp quently prepared the reader to expect; and papa's name, and the hoary head, whose when the character which this nation has tongue falters through the infirmities of old assumed, the stamp which has been given age, should all talk of war and warlike it, and the consequent bent of the public deeds; should have their very souls, as it mind, are taken into view, it ought to sur- were, modelled according to the ideas prise nobody that the prospect before us is which are generally entertained of the god interminable and exterminating war. Mat- of war.- We are a commercial people; ters have not just yet reached that crisis, it is commerce that has elevated the counfrom which it can be clearly inferred, that try to the lofty station which she now ocMinisters really intend giving their support cupies, and upon which, according to the to the Bourbons; though, if we believe the system presently pursued, she must rely, journals which call themselves ministerial, for future greatness. But clear and concluthis is their secret wish.Of this, how-sive as these propositions appear, it is ever, we cannot doubt, that the long en- equally manifest, that, though the continudurance of the war; its continuance for the ance of the war has already almost annihigreater part of the lives of the present ge-lated commerce, and its prosecution must neration; and the means which have been resorted to, to make it popular, are circumstances which have rendered the views, the feelings, the customs, nay the very fashions, of the people, completely warlike. Every thing receives its toue from the events of the war; the influence of its occurrences, is not merely exemplified in our public amusements, but it determines our modes of dress; it regulates our domestic habits. It is not confined to the Exchange, to the coffee house, to the tavern, or to the beerhouse, but it forms the topic of conversation at all our meals, and is peculiarly the theme of the chit-chat of the tea-table. Formerly, the discussion of warlike exploits, the comparative deeds of mighty warriors, the merits and the demerits of their respective operations, were held to be the province only of the aged and the experienced. Now, such is the prevalence of the war mania, such the taste for every thing warlike, that it is no uncommon thing to hear these topics animadverted upon, with seeming judgment and zeal, by boys who appear to have just escaped from the trammels of their mammas, or are about to enter a preparatory school. In short, the achievements of my Lord Wellington, and in future effectually retard its revival, still nothing will satisfy, nothing please, nothing gratify, this enterprizing and commercial nation, but perpetual, desolating, barbarous war. War, then, they shall have, and that to the full. Their rulers have resolved to gratify their sanguinary disposition for blood; and, notwithstanding the contest (as may be seen by any one who chooses to take the trouble of calculating) has cost Great Britain alone the lives of upwards of ONE HUNDRED THOUSAND of her native troops, the ferocious and implacable advocates of a "just and necessary war,' shall again have their fill of human gore; shall yet drink the blood of their fellowmen, whom the fell fiend of war has determined to immolate at his Moloch shrine, in' order to give eclat to his ensanguined and dreadful triumphs over humanity.In the last Register I stated, that when I considered "the high and hostile tone which has been assumed, of late, in the proclamations of the Generals commanding the opposing armies, I have little doubt that it is only the sword which can put an end to the contest." It was not long after writing this ere the question was determined, by the following government bulletin ; P ar dently desired" a rupture, which must inevitably lead to the slaughter of thousands more of our troops? Let us, then, I say, silence these would-be philanthropists upon their own ground-" You (let us tell them) have wished; you have ardently desired a perpetuation of the war; your wishes have been complied with; here are we ready to carry it on for ever; only give us money to support it; and, as long as you continue, to do that, you may depend on it we shall never cry hold, never that we have enough; we shall persist in the war, till we have conquered all your enemies, real or supposed, or we shall, with you, perish in the attempt." What can be more consolatory than this? What would the friends of war wish for more? They have only to part with a little of their superfluous money, with mere dross, to make sure of the incalculable advantages which must follow the prosecution of the war. No matter though they come to the bottom of their purses before the termination of the contest. They will have the satisfaction at least, if they fail, of having made the attempt; and, we all know, that "he who risks nothing can' gain nothing.". -But, as I may afterwards have occasion to inquire into the causes of the rupture of the negociations, and may probably, though one of the mem "Foreign Office, April 2, 1814.-Lord | are they not also among the number of the Bathurst presents his compliments to the whole British empire" who have so " Lord Mayor, and thinks it right to acquaint his Lordship, that dispatches have arrived this morning from Lord Viscount Castle reagh, stating, that the Negociations at Chatillon are at an end."Upon this annunciation the Courier remarked: "At length all doubt upon this subject is happily removed, and the event which the whole British Empire has so ardently desired, has been officially confirmed. Some have thought that Ministers, who had raised the expectations of the nation to so high a pitch, by sending an ambassador to Chatillon, will find it somewhat difficult to extricate themselves from blame, on account of the rupture of the negociations. But if, as the Courier tells us (and who can doubt the fact), the whole British Empire ardently desired this occurrence; fervently anticipated the happy hour when it would be announced; it would be the height of absurdity to suppose, that this same ardentminded people were capable of finding fault with a measure, which they calculated, beforehand, would bring them so much happiness. It would be ridiculous to believe, however gloomy the prospect of perpetual war, and however horrid its attendants, that men, who derived such comfort from it; who felicitated themselves on the enjoy ments which this state of things had in reserve for them; would for one single mo-bers of the British empire, not be so hearty ment, even though reflection might impel them to it, raise their voice against those who had obtained for them the desire of their hearts. No, no, we wanted war; the whole British empire panted for it; and it is right they should have it to their souls' content. Let us have no more grumblings, then, about the miseries of war; let not the man who fancies himself a friend to humanity, because he succours the starving manufacturer, reduced to want by the casualties of war, again presume to lift up his voice or employ his pen in behalf of this class of unfortunates. Do they not form a part of the population of the "whole British empire," who have "ardently desired" a continuance of the war? Why, then, should they dare to solicit pecuniary assistance, when their losses have arisen from circumstances which they so heartily approve of, and when their restoration to independence is prevented by an event which they so fervently wished for? Neither let us hear any more of the cant of those who lament the shedding of human blood, always consequent on a state of warfare; for in my approval of the late proceedings at Chatillon, as the Courier supposes all the people of England to be, I think it proper, in this stage of the business, to lay before the reader all the statements connected with it which have been put forth, either in an official or demi-official form, that, when we come to consider the matter closely, we may be prepared to judge, with some degree of accuracy, as to the merits of the pretensions of the contending parties. This is the more desirable, that the subject is likely, from its magnitude, to occasion a more interesting discussion in parliament than any thing which has occupied the attention of the House for many years. I have already inserted the official bulletin, announcing the rupture of the negociations: -The Courier, which, we are told, is the organ of Ministers, in two days after (4th April) published the following: Next to the welcome intelligence of the negociations with Bonaparte having broken off, is the fact of their having broken' off in consequence of the outrageous extravagance of his demands. Not that the Allies need any apology for the rupture of the negocia tions; the only apology, perhaps, they need, is for having opened them. But it is of great and beneficial importance to shew that this man's ambition is unconquerable; that it yields not to circumstances and events; that his heart is alien to all peace and moderation; that he will submit to no conditions that shall so far curtail his power as to prevent him from again disturbing the repose, the security, and the prosperity of the world. As his obstinacy produced that change in his fortune which dispossessed him of all his foreign conquests, and brought his antagonists to the gates of Paris, let us hope that it will lead at length to his utter overthrow and ruin. The following, we are assured, is the substance of his demands: 1. He demanded Italy, insisting that Eugene Beauharnois should be King, a nomination that would have made him as much master of that country as he has been whilst Eugene has been acting as his Viceroy. In this demand of Italy, Venice was included; so that he was more exorbitant in his terms than he was when the treaty of Luneville was concluded, by which Venice was ceded to Austria.-2. He demanded the Line of the Rhine. The Netherlands, therefore, to remain annexed to France, and he to continue master of Antwerp and the Scheldt.-3. He did not demand that Holland should be restored to him; but he did demand what would have made the independence of that country merely nominal -he demanded Nimeguen, and part of the line of the Waal.-4. Besides the demands we have just stated, he demanded provisions or indemnities for different members of his family who would be dispossessed of territories or titles. Thus an indemnity for Joseph Bonaparte for the loss of his Kingdom of Spain; an indemnity for Jerome Bonaparte, for the loss of his Kingdom of Westphalia; for Napoleon Louis, Grand Duke of Berg and Cleves; for Eugene Beauharnois, for the sacrifice of his claim to the Grand Duchy of Frankfort, upon the demise of Charles d'Albert, Archbishop and Grand Duke of Frankfort. The nature of these indemnities and provisions we are as yet unacquainted with. Such, we are assured, was the substance of his demand or projet. The Plenipotentiaries of the Allies had in the commencement of the Negociation, delivered their projet, which, we understand, went to reduce France to her ancient limits, including, besides, a cession pro tempore, of some fortresses now in the pos session of France. How much time was occupied in the discussion of this projet, we know not; but at length Bonaparte was required to deliver a categorical answer to it by a certain day, the 10th or 12th of March. When the time fixed had expired, he delivered his projet, containing the demands we have mentioned. And, what is perfectly new in the history of diplomatic transactions, where parties proceed upon the desire of agreement and accommodation, Bonaparte did not require any answer, or offer to consider and mutually concede disputed points, but at once ordered his Minister back to his presence." -Next day (the 5th) the following addenda appeared in the same paper:-"We have every reason to believe that the Documents, when they are published, will prove the correctness of the sketch we gave yesterday of the demands made by Bonaparte. In one point however we were rather under the mark. Bonaparte did not consent to abandon all hold upon Germany; for he demanded for the son of Louis Napoleon the Duchy of Berg, including in it Dusseldorff, Duytz, opposite Cologne, and other important points."It is not my intention, at present, to make any remarks upon what is here given as the substance of the French Emperor's demands, because this might be regarded as prejudging a question which was not yet fairly before the public, as will be seen from what was said respecting it in both houses of parliament, the report of which I have taken from the Courier of the 5th instant. In the House of Lords the following proceedings took place.--"The Earl of Liverpool.-Before he moved, as he meant to do, that the house should now adjourn, he had to state to their Lordships, that he was commanded by the Prince Regent to inform them, that the Negociations, which had been lately carried on for the conclusion of peace with France, were now at an end. While his Majesty's confidential servants deeply regretted that failure of their efforts for peace which had led to this communication, it must at least be satisfactory to all to know, that both in the principle on which that negociation was broken off, and in the particular circumstances and causes which immediately produced the rupture, there was the most complete agreement and concurrence amongst the whole of the Allies. Their Lordships and the country would expect full information on this subject, and he had to state, in regard to that point, that it was the inten tion of the Allies to publish a declaration, P2 Earl of Liverpool.-There would be no In setting forth the whole of the circumstances | interim, that they might proceed to the and causes which led to the rupture of the discussion with all the dispatch consistent negociation. It would be the duty of his with a due examination of the subject, and Majesty's servants to lay that declaration, the convenience of their Lordships.together with such other information as Earl Grey.-The statement of the Noble might be necessary, before their Lordships, Earl on this point was perfectly satisfactory, and this would be done with every possible but he trusted that the discussion of the expedition. In the mean time, it would subject would not be pressed forward with be premature to enter further into the sub- any undue degree of haste. Though there ject, and he therefore now moved, that the ought to be no unnecessary delay in coming house do adjourn.--Earl Grey.-It was to that discussion, the matter ought not to with the deepest regret that he heard the be hurried on before sufficient time had statement of the noble Earl, that the ne-been given for due consideration.—The gociations for peace were now at an end. It was undoubtedly a consolation, in the midst of that regret, to hear it stated, that both in the principle upon which they were broken off, and in the particular circumstances and causes which produced that termination, there was the most complete agreement and concurrence among the whole of the allied powers. To that consolation, when the proper information The Chancellor of the Exchequer.—I am should be laid before the house, he trusted authorised by his Royal Highness the Prince would be added the further satisfaction to Regent, to inform the House, that the Neknow, that not only had this complete gociations lately opened at Chatillon have agreement and concurrence existed among terminated in a rupture, and that a further the allied powers on the grounds which led communication on that subject will speedily to the rupture, but that these grounds were be made to Parliament. I am happy to be such as would prove, that the termination able to state, that the mode and spirit in was owing to the ambition and injustice of which these discussions have been conductthe enemy, and that on our side and that ed and carried on to the point of their termiof our Allies, there was nothing but justice nation, have met with the entire concurrence and moderation.--The Noble Earl fur- and approbation of all our Allies. (General ther stated, that it was the intention of the cries of hear, hear!) That they are about Allies to publish a declaration on the sub- to submit a Declaration to Europe, and to ject, and that this declaration, together the world, in which they will explain the with such further information as might be principles by which they have been guided, necessary, would be as soon as possible laid and justify themselves of all blame in the before their Lordships for their examination failure of this pacific attempt. (Hear, and discussion. He wished to know from hear!] As soon as this Declaration is isthe Noble Earl whether it was likely that sued, and shall reach this country, it is his this declaration and information could be Royal Highness's intention, that it be laid, laid before the House before they adjourned together with all papers and documents refor the Easter holidays, so that they might lative to the late conferences, before this be ready to proceed to the discussion imme- House. (Hear, hear!) I cannot, with diately after Parliament should meet at the propriety, say any thing more upon the termination of the recess.--The Earl of subject at present, and shall therefore move Liverpool. He had no objection whatever the Order of the Day.Mr. Ponsonby to give the Noble Earl the information wished to ask, in the first place, whether which he desired. It certainly was not all the papers which were necessary to enexpected that Ministers would be in a situ-able the House to form a correct judgment ation to lay these documents before their Lordships before the adjournment for the Easter holidays. But in a day or two after the meeting of Parliament, subsequent to the adjournment, it was expected they might be able to lay the documents on their Lordships' table. To avoid delay, the papers would, if possible, be printed in the on the negociation would be laid before them? and, secondly, at what time the communication would be made?-The Chancellor of the Exchequer said, that no communication would be made of any thing, the disclosure of which would be detrimental to the country; but that every disposition existed on the part of his Majesty's represented England at the Congress. If He did Government to afford the fullest information to the House. It was impossible to ascertain exactly at what time the Declaration would arrive in this country, but, if possible, it would be laid before Parliament, with the other papers, shortly after the recess. Full time would then be given to the House for the consideration of the papers, as there was no disposition on the part of his Majesty's Government to press prematurely for a determination on the subject. Mr. Ponsonby declared himself perfectly satisfied with the explanation of Mr. Vansittart.-Adjournment.Mr. Ponsonby wished to ask the Chancel-nication from the coalesced Powers, allor of the Exchequer what was his intention though he added, that if they long and with respect to the duration of the next ad- seriously delayed that communication, some journment which he should propose? That explanation might be given by Governhonourable gentleman had before stated his ment. It was a novelty in our political belief, that it would be of the usual length, history to find that such a declaration was which would delay the meeting of Parlia- made, not by us, but in consequence of the ment for a whole fortnight. It appeared proceedings of other Powers. It was inthat neither the house nor the country could decorous, not to use a stronger term, both expect any information from their own for Parliament and for the country to reGovernment, but should be obliged to wait main in such a case, dependant on other until it should please the Allies to issue nations. He thought, at all events, that their Declaration, and transmit it to this the adjournment need not be for so long a country, when it would be laid with the time as seemed to be intended. -The other papers before the house. The ho- Chancellor of the Exchequer had been misnourable gentleman had once said, that the understood. He had not meant to say that duration of the adjournment might be short- the communications which Government inened as circumstances might render it ne- tended to make, should depend on the cessary; but it was evident, that if we were Allies; but that a Declaration being exto wait the Declaration of the Allies, the pected from the latter, it was more proper length of time might be increased at their to wait till it had been received, than to pleasure. This would be an awkward si- produce the rest of the papers, or any part tuation both for Parliament and the nation. of them, without such an important docuIt would be the wisest plan not to extend ment. The said Declaration, besides, was the adjournment to its usual length, but to that of all the powers concerned in the war shorten it so as to suit the impatience of the and the negociations, and was therefore as times. The Chancellor of the Exche- much an act of our Government as of our quer was not able to state the exact time at Allies.- -Mr. Ponsonby did not think he which the Declaration would appear. At had misunderstood the Hon. Gentleman. the same time every one must feel that the He considered him to have stated, that the Allies wished to lay this explanation of Allies were about to issue a Declaration, their conduct, their motives, and their explanatory of their views and their prinviews, as soon as possible, before the ciples, and that not until it should have world, conscious of the favourable and reached Government, should any commupowerful impression which it could not fail nication be made to Parliament respecting to produce. It was therefore reasonable to the late negociations. This certainly jussuppose, that it would be made public a tified the assertion which he had made, very short time after the rupture of the ne- that the communications to be made to the gociations, and that no great delay could House depended on the pleasure of our occur in its reaching Government. Until Allies. However, if the Hon. Gentleman that document arrived, there would be was willing to give a proper explanation, little use in the re-assembling of Parlia- in case of prolonged delay, he should not ment, whilst, if a sufficient time was al- persist in his objection. lowed to elapse, the House might have the look forward with anxiety to the meeting benefit of the presence and personal illus-of Parliament, when the documents, which trations of the British Plenipotentiary who are to explain the cause of the rupture, are While we |