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ploys invective instead of calm argument, must be an infinite loser by the comparison. There are many other points in the Prince of Orange's declaration, which, in my opinion, must determine the question against him; but these I cannot enter upon at present. -The reader who considers what has already been remarked with an unprejudiced mind, will, I think, be at no loss to conclude, that our interference at first in the affairs of the Dutch, was no way warranted by any favourable symptoms appearing among that people; that it was the height of folly in us to attempt, with a mere handful of troops, to drive the enemy out of Holland; and that, considering the unwillingness of the people themselves to take up arms even in defence of the Prince of Orange, and their known partiality for the Emperor of France, it is idle to expect that any assistance we can give, or any sacrifices we can make, will render Holland an independent country.

pressor. of the human race; this monster | proposed by William, the latter, who emwho had made his Dutch subjects, in particular, experience more terrible inflictions than had been "imposed since the Spanish times?" And how happens it, when nearly the whole combined powers of Europe at this moment have carried the scourge of war into the very heart of France, that we do not find among these numerous armies, any troops belonging to Holland; any of those men in arms against Bonaparte, who, if we believe his Orange Highuess, made them suffer such terrible evils when he was in the plenitude of his despotic power, and could exercise his tyranny with impunity? Either what the Prince of Orange tells us is true, or it is not true. If true, the Dutch must be the most stupid and insensible people on earth, and totally unworthy of the notice of his High ness. It is, indeed, surprising that he continues to risk his personal safety amongst a set of men who are so indifferent about their own affairs, and so passive as to the terrible sufferings they have endured, as to let slip an opportunity, so favourable THE EMPEROR NAPOLEON AND HIS ARMY. as that which now offers, of being revenged "Honest John Bull," has of late been on their oppressor. But if these representa- rather somewhat restless, and dissatished tions as to the situation of the Dutch under with his situation; so much so indeed that Bonaparte, are highly coloured and exagger- his keepers have found it necessary to apated; if, in short, they are not true; and ply some of their artificial stimulants, in the Hollanders, as there is good reason to order to exhilarate him, and restore him to believe," manifest a partiality rather than his wonted meek, quiet, and passive, tena hatred for the French," it certainly did per. It has been said of the people of not display a very profound policy on the England, that they are the greatest deceivpart of the advisers of the Prince of Orange, ers, and the easiest deceived of any nation to designate the sway of Napoleon "a fofo- in the world.- -It may be added, with reign lyranny which acknowledged no right, equal truth, that they are the most di conwhen it wanted means for its own mainte- tented under affliction, and the most elenance by violence."-This sort of language vated under prosperity, of all other people. is extremely well calculated to excite dis- They hailed the counter-revolution in Holgust, and bring those into contempt who land as the bright era which was to restore use it; and however fair the promises that to afflicted Britain her long lost happiness, accompany it; however anxious the indivi- and put an end to all the miseries she had dual to make it be believed, that he is a suffered during the long continuance of this betler man than his rival, and will be destructive war. Commerce, the soul of inore careful of the liberties of his peo Britain's glory, of Britain's former prosple, it is clear that the purpose generally perity, was to revive, and give an outlet intended by the use of scurrility and to our manufactures, and to that vast accuabusive language, will always have a mulation of Colonial produce, with which contrary effect to that intended by those our docks and our warehouses were almost who employ it. Notwithstanding all the entirely filled. A market was no doubt abuse which is unceasingly poured by found for our cottons, our coffees, and our his enemies upon the name of Bonaparte, sugars. This had the effect of raising the Dutch people cannot be such fools as the price of these articles about 25 per not to perceive that these injuries are not cent. But then it obliged the man of reasons, and that they are never resented limited income to deny his family many of by the Emperor of France, nor even reta- the comforts to which they were accustomliated by any of the French writers. Con-ed, in order to enable hi n to meet the exsequently, in drawing the contrast between orbitant increase upon his dress, and upon the government of Napoleon and that now articles which habit had long rendered ne

Tower guns, should have produced the wished for effect; and, however improbable the event, that it should be received with the most unbounded rapture. If the public were displeased before; if they then felt. chagrin, disgust, and disappointment, they have now reached the other extreme, and seem as happy at the "glorious news," as if sugar, coffee, and cottons had never risen; as if the opening of the ports of Holland had not inhanced the price of butter, cheese, and tallow; and as if Paris was actually in flames, Bonaparte on a gibbet, and the dear, the loving Cossacks revelling, in all the gaiety of their hearts, upon the rich viands which were formerly in use to regale the Parisians. But leaving these dupes of a cunning and interested policy, to enjoy for a little their fancied triumph, let us turn our attention to the military operations of Napoleon. In these we are sure to find something more substantial than the ephemeral successes of his opponents: it is to the warlike exploits alone of this extraordinary character that we ought to look, at this critical moment, for a solution of the many importaut questions which agitate the public mind to a greater degree than at any former period. In the last Register, I left Bonaparte on his way from Troyes, to attack Marshal Blucher, who had penetrated to within 25 miles of Paris. Since then official accounts have been re"ceived from France, which bring Bonaparte's operations down to the 9th instant, and by which it appears that Blucher, on hearing of the approach of Napoleon, abandoned his advanced position, and retreated to the neighbourhood of Laon, a distance of 80 miles from the capital. Here, at a small village called Craone, he was attacked by Bonaparte, and, after sustaining a signal defeat, he again retreated, and

cessaries of life. Had a suitable return been made for this; had the numerous vessels which have arrived from the ports of Holland, poured into this country a portion of the products of the Continent, at a fair price, in return for the extensive exports of sugar, of coffee and of cotton, which we have made, no one, I believe, would have felt disappointed; no one, I am persuaded, would have complained of a change of circumstances, so well calculated, in one view, to promote the general interest. But instead of the expected advantages proving reciprocal; instead of the high, price of sugar, coffee, and cotton, procuring us cheap butter, cheap cheese, cheap candles, cheap soap, cheap iron, or cheap flax, every one of these articles have reached a price far beyond what they were prior to the opening of the ports of Holland and the Baltic. The effect produced on the public mind by this unlooked for change, was to create chagrin and disappointment among all classes, particularly among the middle ranks, with whom there is a greater demand for the above articles than any other class; and the late disasters in Holland, combined with the other unfavourable circumstances which have transpired respect ing that country, no way tended to reinove the general dissatisfaction. Perhaps, too, the prolongation of the march to Paris, and the delightful conflagration of that city by the "unimitated and inimitable Cossacks,' who, according to the Times and the Courier, were prepared to "destroy this den of the Corsican," had a share in exciting the disgust and chagrin which so much prevailed on account of the overthrow of our commercial hopes. But be this as it may, John Bull was not altogether himself of late. It was found necessary therefore to soothe him; to pat him on the head; to amuse him with some splendid, some glorious victory, that he might not, by brooding too much over his misfortunes, be led to make his guides repent the inany scurvy tricks they have served him. Accordingly, it was thought advisable, in pursuance of this plan, to announce to the good people of London, another total defeat of Bonaparte and another approach of the grand Allied army to Paris. Knowing the characteristic credulity of Englishmen; recollecting the observation, with which I set out, that they are more depressed under affliction, and more elevated under prosperity, than any other nation; it will not appear surprising if this intelligence, apparently authenticated by an official bulletin and by the firing of the Park and

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was pursued four leagues." "On the next day, the 8th, (says the bulletin) we pursued the enemy to the defile of Urcel. The result of these operations is a loss to the enemy of from 10 to 12,000 men, and 30 pieces of cannon." But these accounts do not rest entirely upon the credit due to the Moniteur. They have, in substance, been confirmed by our own bulletins, in which it is stated that Blucher had retired on Laon; had been pursued with great activity by the French army commanded by Bonaparte in person, and had an affair of importance with him on the 7th."—If to 80 miles we add four leagues, the distance which Blucher was pursued after the battle, we shall find that he was compelled to retire at least 92 miles from Paris on the

We

evening of the 8th instant. But I shall be read at school, which begins with "This told, and our Extraordinary Gazette will is the house that Jack built." be referred to as proof of the fact, that even admitting all the previous advantages of Bonaparte to be true, they are now of no consequence, because he was TOTALLY ROUTED on the day following by Blucher, and compelled to FLY with only 15,000 troops. I do not mean to say that this is an impossible occurrence. I am not so stupid as to pretend that Napoleon is invincible. But I do not think in the present case, that there is sufficient grounds for believing that theFrench Emperor has been totally defeated. I have even my doubts as to the correctness of the information which has reached this country as to any engagement having been fought on the 9th. With regard to Bonaparte himself being in the supposed action, it is said in a postscript to the dispatch that "it is not known positively if Napoleon commanded in person. Most of the prisoners assert they saw him; but deserters say that he set off on the night of the 8th, with 15,000 men in the direction of Paris, the grand Allied army under the orders of Prince Schwartzenburg having taken Fontainbleau." If a battle had been fought on the 9th, in which Bonaparte commanded in person, it is very clear the fact might have been easily ascertained by Blucher, who would have announced it in positive language, instead of leaving us to guess at the truth between the opposite statements of the prisoners said to be taken, and the deserters.As to the accuracy of the intelligence, it comes through so indirect a course, that I find myselfcompelled to suspend giving my unqualified assent to it, till further accounts are received. The communication to Government, it will be observed, has not been made by Colonel Lowe, our accredited agent with Marshal Blucher, and from whom only we have been in use to receive intelligence of the operations of the Silesian army; but from a Captain Hamilton Smith, residing at Brussels, who saw nothing of the affair, and who merely transmits" an extract of a letter," to a Count Lottum, from the Duke of Saxe Weimar, containing another extract of a letter," without a date, from Marshal Blucher; the whole having been forwarded to the War-Office by Admiral Young. The number of persons through whose hands the accounts are said to have come, will naturally bring to the reader's recollection the pleasant little story he has often

know that the surrender of Dresdeu was, a few months ago, announced in our Gazette, and the Park and Tower guns fired to celebrate the event; yet this afterwards turned out a false report. I do not, however, say, that Captain Smith's letter contains a false statement; nor do I say that the defeat of Bonaparte is impossible. But, taking the above circumstances into view, and connecting these with the fact, that Blucher was actually defeated on the 7th, at or near Laon, and was in full retreat on the evening of the 8th; it does appear to me rather improbable, that he should have returned on the same day (as Captain Smith has it) to his former position, concentrate his forces, and be able not only to defend himself, but to obtain a splendid and decisive victory over the French. Supposing, however, he did return, and supposing a battle was fought, it is evident this must have been of a partial nature only. Whether, therefore, Blucher engaged the French on the 9th or not, I have no hesitation in saying, that the result of this battle, even admitting the loss to be as great as stated, will, in my opinion, have little or no effect on the grand scale of operations upon which Napoleon now appears to be acting.

Occurrences of the War.An attack British army in Holland, consisting of about was made on the 8th instant, by a division of the 3,500 men, upon the almost impregnable fortress of Bergen-op-Zoom, which our troops, after scaling the walls and entering the town, were compelled to relinquish, with the loss of 300 the officers killed were General Gore who com killed, and 1,800 wounded or prisoners. Among manded the division, 2 Lieutenant-Colonels, and 8 others of inferior rank. Seventy-three officers were wounded, and 10 missing.

on the 3d, the enemy having previously evacu
The main army of the Allies reoccupied Troyes
ated the place in terms of a convention. It is
not pretended, that the French threatened to set
fire to Troyes if they were not allowed to escape.
Augereau had obtained possession of Geneva,
It is said, in a minor French paper, that Marshal
and was advancing, at the head of a numerous
army, in the rear of Prince Schwartzenberg.
of the 26th ult. it appears that some dispositions
By dispatches received from Lord Wellington
had been made with the view of crossing the
Adour, in consequence of the French having been
driven from several of their positions.
enemy (says his Lordship) retired in the night
position in the neighbourhood of Sauveterre, in
across the Gave d'Oleron, and took up a strong
which they were joined by other troops.”

The

Capt. Campbell will, in the next Register,
just beg the attention of the public to a few
publication."
words, in answer to one part of Mr. Mant's last

Published by G. BAGSHAW, Brydges-Street, Covent Garden.
G. BAGS
LONDON: Printed by J. M'Greery, Black Horse-Court, Fleet-street.

COBBETT'S WEEKLY POLITICAL REGISTER.

VOL. XXV. No. 13.] LONDON, SATURDAY, MARCH 26, 1814.

[Price 1s.

385]

THE CASE

OF LORD COCHRANE, MR. COCHRANE JOHN-
STONE, AND MR. BUTT, RELATING TO THE
LATE HOAX ON THE STOCK EXCHANGE.

[386

cruel torture, the judicial murder, of this innocent and most virtuous father of a family, upon the ground of his having been. the assassin of his own son; this abominable act, committed to appease the infuriated rabble of Toulouse, urged on by a horde of sanguinary priests; this act was, indeed, much more horrid, but it was not, in the smallest degree, more unjust, nor did the perpetrators proceed upon grounds

THE answer to all those, who, in this country, at any time, complain of public grievances, of abuses in the government, of the want of a reform, of the number and weight of the taxes, or of any other politi-less probable and more absurd, nor was cal evily the standing answer is," what

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you say may be true; but, where will "you find justice so impartially adminis❝tered as it is in England?" This is our great national boast; this is held out as a compensation for all sorts of political evils; that every man's property and character are under the safe-guard of the law, and, that it is the habitual, and almost instinctive, bent of an Englishman's mind, to abhor whatever is unjust or unfair.

their conduct in that proceeding more partial, more malevolent, or more contrary to the settled rules of morality or of law.

In this case every artifice, which cunning, sharpened by malice, could devise, appears to have been brought into play, in order to excite in the public mind a prejudice too strong to be removed by any thing which the accused might produce in their defence; in order to dam up the entrance to reason and truth; in order so to commit the Yet, I will venture to say, that, under no whole mass of the public themselves, that wild democracy, under no military despot- it should become with each individual a ism, under no hypocritical and cunning point of consistency to persevere in the eroligarchy, under no hellish tyranny upheldrors adopted; and thus, with an act of by superstition, was there ever committed atrocious injustice, to associate the means an act more unjust and more foul, than what has, within these three weeks, been committed, in the city of London, through the means of the press, against the three Gentlemen, whose names stand at the head of this paper. The death of CHALAS; the

of effectually preventing the injured parties from ever obtaining a chance of redress. The motives to an act like this are but too clearly pointed out by every man's experience in the world. The rage, the envy, the thirst for revenge, which always, in a N

the falsehood, I mean the absolute falsehood, of every material assertion which has been made in support of the charge against

Before, however, before I state, as I shall by and by, in distinct propositions, the several

degree proportioned to his loss, fill the breast of the losing gamester, were quite sufficient to urge the seeking of a victim of some sort or other; and this anxious de-them, I will be ready to acknowledge, that sire to accuse being met by an equal desire the accusation was just. in the public to see those who had duped them detected, the work of exciting a widespreading prejudice required very little in-grounds upon which the charge in question genuity or time. And, we shall, I think, has been made, it will be necessary to rein the course of this statement, see instances vert to the transactions, which were the of credulity (on the part of those who have cause of the charge, and to trace the several believed in the accusation), to which no heads of accusation to their source. What parallel has ever been witnessed, even within the walls of the Mad-house or the Meeting-house.

has been inserted in a former Register, may, possibly, never meet the eye of some of the readers of the present. Therefore, in order that this statement may be as complete as my time and room will allow me to make it, I shall preface the refutation of the charge with a short narrative, or history, of the case.

The subject of complaint is a thing called, in the slang of the day, a HOAX, mean

Notwithstanding, however, that this prejudice has spread so widely, and has taken, apparently, so fast a hold upon the public mind, I have that opinion of what is fairly considered as the public in England, which induces me to believe, that, when they are clearly shown, that those premises are false, upon which they have been led to building a deception; and this hoax, which their injurious conclusions, they will be ready, not only to confess their error, but to resent the conduct of those, by whom they have been misled into a participation in an act of flagrant injustice. And, not withstanding the difficulty which must always attend the proving of a negative; notwithstanding the well-known maxim, that every man is to be presumed to be innocent, till he be proved to be guilty; notwithstanding that every man is to be regarded as a mere calumniator, who makes a charge, or insinuation, against another, which he does not or cannot prove to be true; notwithstanding that to rest a defence upon the proof of the negative of the mere assertions of an accuser, is to forego the use of the best arms, with which the rules of law have furnished calumniated innocence for its defence, even this I am ready to do, on the part of the accused upon this occa sion; and, if I fail in producing proof of

took place on the 21st day of last month, and which consisted of an account of the destruction of Napoleon and the entrance of the Allies into Paris, appears to have been intended to have, and certainly had, the effect of raising the price of the several sorts and descriptions of Stock in the public funds, whereby those, who were privy to the hoax, and who dealt, or gambled, in the funds, were enabled to gain, without any risk of loss, sums of money proportioned to the extent of their dealings. The hoax was practised by a person, who came from Dover, very early in the morning of the 21st Feb. pretending to have come over in a boat from the coast of France. hastened, after dropping his news at Dover, on to London in a postchaise and four, the last chaise being taken at Dartford. He personated, in point of dress, an officer in the army, said he was the aid-du-camp of Lord Cathcart, and called himself Go

He

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