mostly in ciphers.My letter arrived in Paris a very short time after Citizen Barthelemy had been arrested; and the Directory, to whom it was sent, demanded from me the papers of which it made mention.

-Pichegru then went to Cayenne, and from thence to Germany and England, without my having any correspondence with him. Some time after the Peace with England, M. David, uncle to General

ters of the rest of Holland, he went to the Army of the Upper Rhine, and marked me as his successor; and the National Convention intrusted me with the command which he then resigned. A year after, I replaced him at the Army of the Rhine; he was called up to the Legislative Body, and our correspondence was no longer frequent. In the short campaign of the 5th year, we took the papers belonging to the Etat Major of the Enemy. They then brought | Souham (who had passed a year with him at the Army of the North) informed me that General Pichegru was one of those banished in Fructidor, and that he was astonished at hearing that it was from my opposition alone that you refused to permit his return to France. I replied to M. David, that so far from opposing his return, I should make it my business to solicit for him this permission. He shewed this letter to some persons, and I have learnt that the demand was positively made to you.

-Some time after M. David wrote to me," that he had applied to Pichegru to demand of you directly to be erased from the list; but that he had answered, that he would not make the demand, unless he was certain that it would be complied with ;” that moreover, he desired him to thank me for the answer I had given, and to assure me, that he had never supposed me capa

me a quantity of papers, which General Dessaix, who was then wounded, amused himself with reading. It appeared by this Correspondence, that General Pichegru had been in correspondence with the French Princes. This discovery gave us much uneasiness, but to me more particularly. We agreed to let it rest in oblivion. Pichegru, in the Legislative Body, had less means of hurting the common cause, as Peace was their ruin. I took precaution, however, for the safety of the Army against that system of espionage which might have ruined it. The researches that I made, and the deciphering of this Correspondence, has placed all those pieces in the hands of several persons.The events of the 18th Fructidor were then announced, and the public anxiety was very great: in consequence of which, two officers, who were informed of this correspondence, pre-ble of acting in the manner that was imvailed upon me to inform the Government of it, and gave me to understand, that it had began to be pretty public, and that at Strasburgh they were already preparing to inform the Directory of it.I was a Public Functionary, and I could no longer keep silent; but without addressing my-some steps in his favour. I was very sorry self directly to the Government, I informed the Director Barthelemy, confidentially, of it, begging of him, at the same time, to give me his advice, and informing him, that those pieces, although undoubtedly authentic, could not be proved in a Court of Justice, as they were not signed, and

puted to me; that he even knew, that in the affair of the correspondence of Klinglin, I had been placed in a most delicate situation. M. David wrote me three or four more unimportant letters on this subject. After his arrest, he wrote to me to take

that the distance between me and the Government prevented me from giving some light to your justice in this respect; and I do not doubt but it would have been easy to have removed that prejudice which had been given you upon this subject.I no longer heard Pichegru spoken of, except

indirectly, and by persons whom the war | gratitude, and with whom he has had long

obliged to return to France. From that epoch to the present moment, during the two campaigns in Germany, and since the peace, there have been distant overtures made to me, to know whether it was possible to prevail on me to enter into correspondence with the French Princes. I considered these proposals so ridiculous, that I did not even make any answer. -As to the actual conspiracy, I can equally affirm, that I am far from having the least share in it. I confess even that I am at a loss to conceive how a handful of individuals, dispersed, could hope to change the face of the State, and to restore upon the throne a family that the combined efforts of all Europe, and of Civil War, could not succeed in restoring, or how it can be supposed, that I could be so void of reason, as to join in such a plan, by which I should lose the whole fruit of my labours, which would only in such case draw upon me continual reproaches. I repeat it to you, General, that whatever proposition was made to me, I have rejected from opinion, and always considered it the greatest folly; and when it has been represented to me, that the chances of the Invasion of England were favourable to a change in Government, I replied, that the Senate was the authority round which all Frenchmen would unite, in case of troubles, and that I would be the first to obey its orders. Such overtures made to me, an insulated individual (who had not chosen to preserve any connexion, either in the army, of which nine-tenths had served under my orders, or with any constituted authority), could obtain no other answer than a refusal.—The part of giving information to Government was repugnant to my character, an office which is always judged of severely; it becomes odious, and marked with the seal of reprobation, against the man who is guilty of it, with respect to persons to whom he owes

habits of friendship. Duty even may sometimes yield to the cry of public opinion.

This, General, is what I have to say, as to my connexion with Pichegru; they will surely convince you, that very false and hasty conclusions have been drawn from actions, which, though, perhaps, imprudent, were very far from being criminal; and I have no doubt, but that if, by your authority, I had been asked for explanations on those points, which I would have readily given, it would have saved you the regret of ordering my detention, and me the humiliation of being imprisoned, and, perhaps, obliged to go before the tribunals, and say that I am not a Conspirator, and to appeal, in support of this vindication, to the uniform probity of my life for the last 25 years, and to the services I have rendered to the country. I will not speak of those, General: I can say, they are not yet effaced from your memory; but I will recal to your recollection, that if ever the desire of taking part in the Government of France had been the aim of my ambition and of my services, the cover was open to me in the most advantageous manner before your return from Egypt, and surely you have not forgotten the disinterestedness with which I seconded you on the 18th of Brumaire. Enemies have kept us at a distance since that time. It is with much regret that I find myself compelled to speak of myself or my services, but at a time when I am accused of being the accomplice of those who only considered of acting under the guidance of England, perhaps I may have to defend myself from the, snares which that Power may prepare against me. I have self-love enough to suppose, that England may judge of the evil which I am still capable of doing her, by what I have already done.If, General, I can gain your full attention, then I shall have no doubt of your justice.

I shall

await your decision on my fate with the calm of innocence, but not without the uneasiness of seeing that those enemies which are always attracted with celebrity, have triumphed.I am, with respect

The General MOREAU.

would have been the first to obey the orders of the Senate for the preservation of the Government; that the overtures made to him had obtained no other answer than a refusal.These were his solemn protestations in 1804; and these protestations are directly in the teeth of the assertions, of the confessions, the avowals, now made, in his name, by his eulogist.- -But, besides the light, in which these facts place him, we find Moreau, in the letter above-inserted, considering the conspirators as acting under the guidance of England, from whence they had come to France; and, we find him, too, imputing the false accusation against himself to the snares which England might have prepared against him, observing, that he had "vanity enough to suppose, that "England might judge of the evil which he "was still capable of doing her by what he "had already done.". -When he wrote that letter, he little suspected, I dare say, that he was one day to sail from America with the connivance of an English Admiral, and still less, that he was to become the subject of the praises of every man in Eng

Now, reader, if, as I must presume, you prefer truth to falsehood; if you abhor the act of giving the highest of praises to the foulest of deeds, follow me, for a moment, while I compare the contents of this letter with the statements of the Russian Memoir. In my last Number, at page 111, I quoted the Memoir, at full length, as far as related to the conspiracy of Georges and Pichegru. Referring you, then, to that extract, what do we see? Why, we see, that the Russian Eulogist states, that Georges and Pichegru were in Paris for the purpose of carrying off Buonaparté; that Moreau was made acquainted with their designs; that the project, besides, was to restore the Bourbons, the necessity of which Moreau did not dispute, but wished to pre-land and in Europe hostile to the glory and pare for it by gradations; that Moreau se- prosperity of France. Yet, all this is cretly desired the success of the project; not enough; for, while the Russian Memoir and, finally, that Moreau "agreed," that asserts, that, in a few days after the 18th the others should begin the thing, and that Brumaire, Moreau feared he had assisted "in case of success, he should place himself in giving a tyrant to his country, and that " in advance with his party, to protect them he found Buonaparte to be cruelly and in"against the measures, which the partisans exorably unjust; while the Russian eulogist "of Buonaparté might take, at the first asserts this, Moreau, in the above letter, 66 moment, to avenge him.". -To" avenge makes a merit, in 1804, of having second"him," mind! What! to avenge him of ed Buonaparté on the 18th Brumaire, 1799, being carried off?-But, let that pass; expresses his regret that enemies have lately for no one can doubt, for a moment, what kept them at a distance from one another, it was that the conspirators meant to do to and declares, that if he can obtain a full Buonaparte. Here, then, we have the hearing of Buonaparte, he has no doubt of confession, the open avowal, the boast even, his justice.Now, either Moreau acted, that Moreau had agreed to lend his assist- upon this occasion, not only the part of a ance, and that of his party, to a plot for conspirator; he was not only guilty of high carrying off Buonaparté and for restoring treason, and worthy of an ignominious the Bourbons. This is asserted, mind, by death, but, he was also, a mean and despihis eulogist; by a man who says, that he cable hypocrite; OR, the assertions of his was his companion in his last moments, Russian Eulogist are base and abominable and that he had been the person who ac-fabrications.Let the author and the pacompanied him from America.- Now, trons of this eulogy take their choice.then, what does Moreau say, in his letter Well, then, have we not now enough of above inserted? Why, he says, "I am this "modern Coriolanus," as the Times far from having the least share in the news-paper, I think it was, called him the "conspiracy." He says, that he must be other day; this Coriolanus of Grosbois? void of reason to join in a plan by which Have we not now enough of him? Yes; he would lose the whole fruit of his la- we have quite enough for Moreau; but, not bours, that is to say, his money and his quite enough for me. Since I have begun estate of Grosbois, which he had bought of him, I am resolved to finish him. Justice Barras; that, if Buonaparté had been ab- demands it: justice to the people of Engsent, during any such attempt, be, Moreau, land, and justice to the people of France.

-We have before seen him in America, | calling in question Moreau's fair claim, to rolling in wealth, and we have now seen, his plunder, and am by no means inclined by the letter from the Temple, that that to deny his right to the quiet possession of wealth was the fruit of his labours; that is Grosbois, which he bought of Barras. But, to say, the fruit of his service under those if we allow Moreau's right to his share of who made the republic, and who put the the plunder which he made, I hope we king to death; under the Girondists, the shall be too just to reproach the other MarRobespierreans, the Directory, and Buona- shals of France on that score. The Duke parté; or, in other words, the fruit of his of Dalmatia and the Prince of Essling have invasions of foreign countries, the aggregate certainly as much right to their share of amount of his plunder.I am not using plunder as Moreau had to his share of this word in any odious sense. I am not plunder. It is impossible to load the forinsinuating any blame in him for having mer with the reproach of rapacity, withamassed a great deal of property in this out, in the same breath, condemning the way. Plunder is the soldier's legitimate latter.We are told, in the Memoir, harvest, and we know what abundant har- that Moreau would have left the United vests of this sort we read of in Holy Writ, States somewhat sooner than he did, had it as having been expressly commanded by not been for a circumstance, which is slipGod himself, a memorable instance of ped over in great haste in the Memoir; but which we have in the case of the Midianites, which we must dwell upon with some care, who were first stript, by God's chosen peo- it being not only of great importance, but ple, of all their goods and chattels to an of the very first importance, in the making immense amount, and were then, by the of our estimate, not of Moreau's character command of MOSES, the servant of the (for that is settled, I think), but of the chaLord, all slaughtered, man, woman, and racter of Napoleon, as viewed, at bottom, child, except the maiden women, or girls, by Moreau himself.The Memoir tells whom Moses, the servant of the Lord, or- us, that in Mademoiselle Hullot, now Madered the army to keep alive for themselves.* dame Moreau, whom he married in 1802, -Therefore I am very far indeed from "were combined all the qualities of the "mind with all the graces of beauty, brilliant talents, and solid virtues." Very well.Then it tells us, that this lady, while her beloved husband was in the arms, made to wait in the open air, in a Temple, was, "with her infant in her "cold and rainy season" (month of May)

The passage of the inspired writings, to which I here refer, is found, in the Book of Numbers, Chapter XXXI, verses 6 to 18, in

clusive, as follows:

6. And Moses sent them to the war, a thou

sand of every tribe, them and Phinehas the son of Eleazar the priest, to the war, with the holy instruments, and the trumpets to blow, in his

hand.

7. And they warred against the Midianites, as the LORD commanded Moses; and they slew all the males.

8. Aud they slew the kings of Midian, besides the rest of them that were slain; namely, Evi,

and Rekem, and Zur, and Hur, and Reba, five kings of Midian; Balaam also the son of Beor they slew with the sword.

9. And the children of Israel took all the wo

men of Midian captives, and their little ones, and took the spoil of all their cattle, and all their flocks, and all their goods.

10. And they burnt all their cities wherein they dwelt, and all their goodly castles with fire.

11. And they took all the spoil, and all the prey, both of men and of beasts.

12. And they brought the captives, and the prey, and the spoil unto Moses and Eleazar the priest, and unto the congregation of the children of Israel, unto the camp at the plains of Moab, which are by Jordan near Jericho.

13. ¶ And Moses, and Eleazar the priest, and all the princes of the congregation, went forth to meet them without the camp.

14. And Moses was wroth with the officers of the host, with the captains over thousands, and captains over hundreds, which came from the battle.

until it was convenient for the jailer to open "the gates;" and that, "sometimes, she pass"ed whole hours, exposed to the inclemency "of the weather, unless when the sentinels "allowed her to get under their sheds."

been; seeing, that Moreau was possessed -It is strange that this should have of an ample fortune, and that there are all sorts of carriages and hackney coaches at Paris as well as in London. The fact, therefore, is a very strange one; but, agreeably to my mode of proceeding, I will

15. And Moses said unto them, Have ye saved all the women alive?

16. Behold, these caused the children of Israel, through the counsel of Balaam, to commit trespass against the LORD in the matter of Peor, and there was a plague among the congregation of the LORD.

17. Now therefore kill every male among the little ones, and kill every woman that hath known man by lying with him.

18. But all the women-children that have not known a man by lying with him, keep alive for yourselves.