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ters of the rest of Holland, he went to the mostly in ciphers. My letter arrived in Army of the Upper Rhine, and marked me Paris a very short time after Citizen Baras his successor; and the National Conven- thelemy had been arrested; and the Dition intrusted me with the command which rectory, to whom it was sent, demanded from he then resigned. A year after, I replaced me the papers of which it made mention. him at the Army of the Rhine; he was Pichegru then went to Cayenne, and called up to the Legislative Body, and our from thence to Germany and England, correspondence was no longer frequent. without my having any correspondence
In the short campaign of the 5th year, with him. Some time after the Peace with we took the papers belonging to the Etat England, M. David, uncle to General Major of the Enemy. They then brought Souham (who had passed a year with him me a quantity of papers, which General at the Army of the North) informed me Dessaix, who was then wounded, annused that General Pichegru was one of those bahimself with reading. It appeared by this nished in Fructidor, and that he was Correspondence, that General Pichegru astonished at hearing that it was from my had been in correspondence with the French opposition alone that you refused to permit Princes. This discovery gave us much un his return to France. I replied to M. easiness, but to me more particularly. We David, that so far from opposing his return, agreed to let it rest in oblivion. Pichegru, I should make it my business to solicit for in the Legislative Body, had less means of him this permission. He shewed this lethurting the common cause, as Peace was ter to some persons, and I have learnt that their ruin. I took precaution, however, the demand was positively made to you. for the safety of the Army against that
Some time after M. David wrote to system of espionage which might have me, " that he had applied to Pichegru to ruined it. The researches that I made, demand of you directly to be erased frora and the deciphering of this Correspon- the list; but that he had answered, that he dence, has placed all those pieces in the would not make the demand, unless he was hands of several persons. - The events certain that it would be complied with ;" of the 18th Fructidor were then announced, that moreover, he desired him to thank me and the public anxiety was very great: in for the answer I had given, and to assure consequence of which, two officers, who me, that he had never supposed me capawere informed of this correspondence, pre. ble of acting in the manner that was imvailed upon me to inform the Government puted to me; that he even krew, that in of it, and gave me to understand, that it the affair of the correspondence of Klinglin, had began to be pretty public, and that at I had been placed in a most delicate situaStrasburgh they were already preparing to tion. M. David wrote me three or four inform the Directory of it. I was a more unimportant letters on this subject. Public Functionary, and I could no longer After his arrest, he wrote to me to take keep silent; but without addressing my some steps in his favour. I was very sorry self directly to the Government, I informed that the distance between me and the Gothe Director Barthelemy, confidentially, of vernment prevented me from giving some it, begging of him, at the same time, to light to your justice in this respect ; and I give me his advice, and informing him, do not doubt but it would have been easy that those pieces, although undoubtedly to have removed that prejudice which had authentic, could not be proved in a Court been given you upon this subject. I no of Justice, as they were not signed, and longer heard Pichegru spoken of, excepc
indirectly, and by persons whom the war gratitude, and with whom he has had long obliged to return to France, From that habits of friendship. Duty even may someepoch to the present moment, during the times yield to the cry of public opinion. two campaigns in Germany, and since the This, General, is what I have to say, peace, there have been distant overtures as to my connexion with Pichegru; they made to me, to know whether it was pos- will surely convince you, that very false sible to prevail on me to enter into corre and hasty conclusions have been drawn spondence with the French Princes. I from actions, which, though, perhaps, imconsidered these proposals so ridiculous, that prudent, were very far from being crimiI did not even make any answer. -As to nal; and I have no doubt, but that if, by the actual conspiracy, I can equally affirm, your authority, I had been asked for exthat I am far from having the least share planations on those points, which I would in it. I confess even that I am at a loss to have readily given, it would have saved conceive how a handful of individuals, dis- you the regret of ordering my detention, persed, could hope to change the face of the and me the humiliation of being imprisonState, and to restore upon the throne a family ed, and, perhaps, obliged to go before the that the combined efforts of all Europe, and tribunals, and say that I am not a Conspiof Civil War, could not succeed in restor- rator, and to appeal, in support of this ing, or how it can be supposed, that I vindication, to the uniform probity of my could be so void of reason, as to join in such life for the last 25 years, and to the sera plan, by which I should lose the whole vices I have rendered to the country. I fruit of my labours, which would only in will not speak of those, General : I can such case draw upon me continual re- say, they are not yet effaced from your me. proaches. I repeat it to you, General, that mory; but I will recal to your recollection, whatever proposition was made to me, I that if ever the desire of taking part in the have rejected from opinion, and always Government of France had been the aim of considered il the greatest folly; and when my ambition and of my services, the cover it has been represented to me, that the was open to me in the most advantageous chances of the Invasion of England were manner before your return from Egypt, and favourable to a change in Government, I surely you have not forgotten the disintereplied, that the Senate was the authority restedness with which I seconded you on the round which all Frenchmen would unite, 18th of Brumaire. Enemies have kept us in case of troubles, and thal I would be the al a distance since that time. It is with first to obey ils orders. Such overtures much regret that I find myself compelled made to me, an insulated individual (who to speak of myself or my services, but at a had not chosen to preserve any connexion, time when I am accused of being the aceither in the army, of which nine-tenths complice of those who only considered of had served under my orders, or with any acting under the guidance of England, perconstituted authority), could obtain no haps I may have to defend myself from the other answer than a refusal.—The part snares which thal Power may prepare: of giving information to Government was against me. I have self-love enough to subrepugnant to my character, an office which pose, that England may judge of the evil is always judged of severely; it becomes which I am still capable of doing her, by. odious, and marked with the seal of repro- what I have already done.--If, General, bation, against the man who is guilty of it, I can gain your full attention, then I shalt with respect to persons to whom he owes have no doubt of your justice.
await your decision on my fate with the would have been the first to obey the orders calm of innocence, but not without the un- of the Senate for the preservation of the Goeasiness of seeing that those enemies which had obtained no other answer than a re
vernment; that the overtures made to him are always attracted with celebrity, have fusal. These were his solemn protestatriumphed. I am, with respect
tions in 1804; and these protestations are
directly in the teeth of the assertions, of the The General MOREAU.
confessions, the avowals, now made, in his
name, by his eulogist.-But, besides the Now, reader, if, as I must presume, you light, in which these facts place him, we prefer truth to falsehood; if you abhor the find Moreau, in the letter above-inserted, act of giving the highest of praises to the considering the conspirators as acting under foulest of deeds, follow me, for a moment, the guidance of England, froid whence they while I compare the contents of this letter had come to France; and, we find him, with the statements of the Russian Memoir. too, imputing the false accusation against
In my last Number, at page 111, 1 himself to the snares which England might quoted the Memoir, at full length, as far as have prepared against him, observing, that related to the conspiracy of Georges and he had " vanity enough to suppose, that Pichegru. Referring you, then, to that ex “ England might judge of the evil which he tract, what do we see? Why, we see, was still capuble of doing her by what he that the Russian Eulogist states, that “had already done.” When he wrote Georges and Pichegru were in Paris for the that letter, he little suspected, I dare say, purpose of carrying off Buonaparté; that that lie was one day to sail from America Moreau was made acquainted with their de- with the connivance of an English Admiral, signs; that the project, besides, was to re- and still less, that he was to become the store the Bourbons, the necessity of which subject of the praises of every man in EngMoreau did not dispute, but wished to pre- land and in Europe hostile to the glory and þare for il by gradations; that Moreau se- prosperity of France. —Yet, all this is cretly desired the success of the project ; not enough; for, while the Russian Memoir and, finally, that Moreau "agreed," that asserts, that, in a few days after the 18th the others should begin the thing, and that Brumaire, Moreau feared he had assisted “ in case of success, he should place himself in giving a tyrant to his country, and that “ in advance with his parly, to protect them be found Buonaparté to be cruelly and in“ against the measures, which the partisans exorably unjust; while the Russian eulogist " of Buonaparté might take, at the first asserts this, Moreau, in the above letter, “ moment, to avenge him.". - To "avenge makes a merit, in 1804, of having second“ him," mind! What! to avenge him of ed Buonaparte on the 18th Brumaire, 1799, being carried off ? -But, let that pass ; expresses his regret that enemies have lately for no one can doubt, for a moment, what kept them at a distance from one another, it was that the conspirators meant to do to and declares, that if he can obtain a full Buonaparté.--Here, then, we have the hearing of Buonaparté, be has no doubl of confession, the open avowal, the boast even, his justice.--Now, either Moreau acted, that Moreau had agreed to lend his assist- upon this occasion, not only the part of a auce, and that of his party, to a plot for conspirator; he was not only guilty of high carrying off Buonaparté and for restoring treason, and worthy of an ignominious the Bourbons. This is asserted, mind, by death, but, he was also, a mean and despihis eulogist; by a man who says, that he cable hypocrite; or, the assertions of his was his companion in his last moments, Russian Eulogist are base and abominable and that he had been the person who ac- fabrications. Let the author and the pacompanied him from America.
-Now, trons of this eulogy take their choice.then, what does Moreau say, in his letter Well, then, have we not now enough of above inserted? Why, he says, “I am this “ modern Coriolanus," as the Times “ far from having the least share in the news-paper, I think it was, called him the “ conspiracy.” He says, that he must be other day; this Coriolanus of Grosbois ? void of reason to join in a plan by which Have we not now enough of him ? Yes ; he would lose the whole fruit of his ta- we have quite enough for Moreau; but, not bours, that is to say, his money and his quite enough for me. Since I have begun estate of Grosbois, which he had bought of him, I am resolved to finish him. · Justice Barras; that, if Buonaparte had been ab- demands it: justice to the people of Engsent, during any such attempt, be, Moreau, land, and justice to the people of France.
-We have before seen him in America, calling in question Moreau's fair claim, to rolling in wealth, and we have now seen, his plunder, and am by no means inclined by the letter from the Temple, that that to deny his right to the quiet possession of wealth was the fruit of his labours; that is Grosbois, which he bought of Barras. But, to say, the fruit of his service under those if we allow Moreau's right to his share of who made the republic, and who put the the plunder which he made, I hope we king to death; under the Girondists, the shall be too just to reproach the other MarRobespierreans, the Directory, and Buona shals of France on that score. The Duke parté; or, in other words, the fruit of his of Dalmatia and the Prince of Essling have invasions of foreign countries, the aggregate certainly as much right to their share of amount of his plunder. I am not using plunder as Moreau had to his share of this word in any odious sense. I am not plunder. It is impossible to load the forinsinuating any blame in him for having mer with the reproach of rapacity, withamassed a great deal of property in this out, in the same breath, condemning the way. Plunder is the soldier's legitimate latter. We are told, in the Memoir, harvest, and we know what abundant har- that Moreau would have left the United vests of this sort we read of in Holy Writ, States somewhat sooner than he did, had it as having been expressly commanded by not been for a circumstance, which is slipGod himself, a memorable instance of ped over in great haste in the Memoir; but which we have in the case of the Midianites, which we must dwell upon with some care, who were first stript, by God's chosen peo- it being not only of great importance, but ple, of all their goods and chattels to an of the very first importance, in the making immense amount, and were then, by the of our estimate, not of Moreau's character command of Moses, the servant of the (for that is settled, I think), but of the chaLord, all slaughtered, man, woman, and racter of Napoleon, as viewed, at bottom, child, except the maiden women, or girls, by Moreau himself. - The Memoir tells whom Moses, the servant of the Lord, or- us, that in Mademoiselle Hullot, now Madered the army to keep alive for themselves.* dame Moreau, whom he married in 1802, -Therefore I am very far indeed from “ were combined all the qualities of the
" mind with all the graces of beauty, brilThe passage of the inspired writings, to fore liant talents, and solid virtues.” which I here refer, is found, in the Book of Very well. Then it tells us, that this Numbers, Chapter XXXI, verses 6 to 18, in- lady, while her beloved husband was in the clusive, as follows:
6. And Moses sent them to the war, a thou- Temple, was, “ with her infant in her sand of every tribe, them and Phinehas the son of " arms, made to wait in the open air, in a Eleazar the priest, to the war, with the holy in cold and rainy season" (month of May) struments
, and the trumpets to blow, in his " until it was convenient for the jailer to open hand.
" the gates;" and that, "sometimes, she pass7. And they warred against the Midianites, as the LORD commanded Moses; and they stew all
4 ed whole hours, exposed to the inclemency the males.
“ of the weather, unless when the sentinels 8. And they slew the kings of Midian, besides" allowed her to get under their sheds." the rest of them that were slain; namely, Evi, and Rekem, and Zur, and Hur, and Reba, five been ; seeing, that Moreau was possessed
It is strange that this should have kings of Midian; Balaam also the son of Beor they slew with the sword.
of an ample fortune, and that there are all 9. And the children of Israel took all the wo: sorts of carriages and hackney coaches at men of Midian captives, and their little ones, and Paris as well as in London. The fact, took the spoil of all their cattle, and all their flocks, and all their goods.
therefore, is a very strange one ; but, 10. And they burnt all their cities wherein agreeably to my mode of proceeding, I will they dwelt, and all their goodly castles with fire.
11. And they took all the spoil, and all the prey, both of men and of beasts.
15. And Moses said unto them, Have ye saved 12. And they brought the captives, and the all the women alive? prey, and the spoil unto Moses and Eleazar the 16. Behold, these caused the children of Israel, priest, and unto the congregation of the children through the counsel of Balaam, to commit tresof Israel, unto the camp at the plains of Moab, pass against the LORD in the matter of Peor, and which are by Jordan near Jericho.
there was a plague among the congregation of the 13. 's And Moses, and Eleazar the priest, and LORD. all the princes of the congregation, went forth to 17. Now therefore kill every male among the meet them without the camp.
little ones, and kill every woman that hath known 14. And Moses was wroth with the officers of man by lying with him. the host, with the captains over thousands, and 18. But all the women-children that have not captains over hundreds, which came from the known a man by lying with him, keep alive for battle.
not call it in question. I admit it to be considering how beautiful Madame Moreau true, till it be confronted by some other was before she was married, and (if report fact from the same source.
-Upon this say rightly) how beautiful she still is, and ground, then, and others stated in the how inseparable health is from beauty, that Memoir, Moreau regarded Napoleon as the she and her child should have both been in most cruel of men. Napoleon is said, in ill health at the particular time referred to. the Memoir, to have been so jealous of This is rather singular; but, suppose it to Moreau as to have thirsted for his blood. be true, why not send them to Madeira; In short, the Memoir makes Moreau speak to Lisbon ; to Minorca ; to Sardinia ; to of and regard Napoleon as the most bloody Sicily? Why not place them under the and inexorable of mankind, while his go guardianship of our commanders? There vernment was a government of spies and were places enough to choose ; and, if they
bastiles. -The Memoir says, besides, must be sent away for their health's sake; • that Moreau deeply deplored the enslaved if they were actually both afflicted, at onc
state of his country; and predicted, that, and the same time, with that sort of comon this account, the French would become plaint which required a change of climate, more despicable than the Jews. Here, why not choose amongst the countries I in these sentiments, observe, we are led, have mentioned ? why not, if a more by the Memoir, to look for the cause of northern country was wanted, send them to Moreau's coming to Europe to serve against these happy islands, the place refuge of France. And, now for the circumstance Pichegru, Georges, Dumourier, Sarazin, that retarded his departure from America. and others ? Why send them ; why send His wife and child, whom, we are told, these two cherished beings" to France, he loved to an excess of tenderness ; that into the “ claws of the tyrant ?" —Howsame amiable and beautiful wife, who, ever, to France, they were sent; there with the same beloved child in her arms, they remained, as long as they pleased, unhad been so cruelly treated at the gates of molested ; and, when they chose to come the Temple; these two " cherished be away, come away they did unmolested too, ings" (to use the words of the Memoir) though they were coming to England; and were, at the time of Moreau's departure though it is next to impossible, that the from America, . WHERE, think Emperor should not have been fully apyou, reader? They were not with the prised of all their movements. -Now, good, the affectionate, the fine-feeling, the then, reader, what are the conclusions, which " angelic-souled," General. But, where truth and justice bid us draw from these predo
you think they were ? You will never mises? Why, either that Moreau was wholly guess . ... They were IN FRANCE ! destitute of all regard even for the lives of Ay, in France : in that same France his wife and child; or, that he was guilty whose people were about to become more of base hypocrisy in describing Napoleon despicable than the Jews. Exposed to the as a cruel tyrant; or, that this Russian inexorable cruelty of Buonaparté; nay, Memoir is, as to this matter, a string of within his grasp. And, what is more, atrocious falsehoods. And, besides this, they had, as the Memoir avows, been in we have here the acknowledged and notoriFrance len months; ay, ten months, at ous fact, that the wife and child of a man, the time when the angelic husband and fa- whom Napoleon had such strong reasons for ther first thought of leaving America ! disliking, were suffered to remain quietly in “ His heart,” says the Memoir, “ was France as long as the wife chose, and suf“ agitated between his duty to his country, fered to quit France when she chose, with" and the love he bore to his consort and out the least molestation; without any “ child, who had both been in France len complaint to make, even against the police. " months for the sake of their health. He -Can there be, if we take the whole of " shuddered to leave these two cherished these facts together'; can there possibly be, " beings, under what he called the claws a more complete proof of the magnanimity " of the tyrant."-Yes, yes; this is all of Napoleon; can the impartial reader want very pretty, and we may expect to see the any thing more to convince him, that Moincident introduced into the next dish of reau, who pretended that it was duly to his nauseous nonsense which the London stage country that brought him into the ranks of shall present to its foul-seeding customers ; Napoleon's enemies, had, at the bottom of but, how came he to send them to France ; his heart, a firm persuasion, that Napoleon how came he to send them under those was incapable of committing, even against * claws?" It is rather singular, that they, him, an act of deliberate cruelty ?