COBBETT'S WEEKLY POLITICAL REGISTER.

VOL. XXV. No. 5.] LONDON, SATURDAY, JANUARY 29, 1814. [Price 1s.

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The Readers of the Register are inform-a reverse of fortune with him who has, for ed, that the sheet containing the INDEXES of Volume XXIII, and also the sheet containing the Indexes of Volume XXIV, are now printed and ready for delivery; so that those Gentlemen, who wish to have those Volumes completed and bound, may now have it done as soon as they please.

The Register will in future be published at 10 o'clock on Saturday morning.

NOTIFICATION.

so long a time, been the terror of European kings; a great, and almost general concus sion being, according to all appearances, upon the eve of breaking out; a multitude of new topics, deeply interesting to mankind, starting now, every hour, forth for discussion, an irresistible desire to take part therein has led to a determination to devote not only more time and attention to the REGISTER than it has had bestowed on it for some years past, but more than it has had bestowed on it at any former period. There are times, when it becomes the duty of men to make, in part at least, a sacrifice of their taste for retirement; and, such a time the present seems to be.

tion above spoken of, space; more space than this work, as now conducted, will allow. It is, therefore, intended, to exclude, in future, all the Public Papers and other official documents, except those of very great and general interest, and the insertion, of which is absolutely necessary to a clear understanding of the discussions relating to them. This will give room for that origi nal matter, which the crisis promises to call for; it will enable one to catch the subjects as they rise; and to leave very few of great importance wholly unnoticed.

For some time past; indeed, for some years past, the state of this country, and of all Europe, has been, as to politics, such as to offer but very meagre materials for discussion. On the one side we have seen But, besides time and labour, there renothing but the boundless dominion and in-quires, in order to give effect to the intenfluence of France on the land, and, on the other, a similar dominion and similar influence of England on the sea and sea-coasts of Europe. The discussions, or, rather, the remarks (for there has been little room for discussion) have been confined, in this country, to mere invectives against France, on the one side, and, on the other, to such slight efforts as some few persons have dared to make, in order to check the growth of the prejudices which such invectives were calculated to propagate and to nourish, not against France only, but against every known principle of freedom. To meddle In times like the present, when the great with our own internal state, in a way that questions, not only of peace and war, but the conductor of this work wished to do, of liberty and slavery, with all their ramino man has dared; nor does any man now fying causes and effects, are to be disdare. To notice cursorily any public cussed, a considerable part of the time of wrong; to censure in a mild manner; to those, whose object is to make a stand on express a thousandth part of what the case the side of expiring freedom, more than to calls for, and that, too, almost in parables, secure any private advantage from their is to beggar one's feelings; is to rob one's labours, must necessarily be employed in indignation; is to desert, and almost be-combating that part of the press, which is tray, the sacred cause of Truth, by making, in her name, claims so far short of her just demands.

incessantly labouring for the destruction of all that ought to be deemed most valuable in civil society; that part of the press In such a state of things, there seemed (forming nineteen twentieths of the press little hope of again seeing any room for ex-in this kingdom), which is incessantly ertion in that way, in which alone it was wished to make exertion in this work. But, a new and most interesting change having taken place in the affairs of Europe;

employed in habituating the minds of the people to all those notions, which have a tendency to make them base as well as foolish, and, in the end, to render this

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all the responsibility, literary and legal, for promulgating them to the world. And, that he may freely and impartially exercise his judgment, no communication should be accompanied with the real name of the author.

country what one of our poets has described another to be: "A land of tyrants and a "den of slaves." Nor, must the reader suppose, that it is here meant to speak of the news-paper part of the press only. The remark and description applies, and, -Another rule is, that correspondents perhaps, with a smaller proportion of ex- should, whatever may be their feelings, so far ception, to all those books and pamphlets, master them as to refrain from every thing whether individual or periodical, which that may, in any degree, leave a pretence treat of the subject of politics, or matters for legal accusation. How many valuable closely connected with politics: as history, papers! What volumes of useful informbiography of public men, law, religion, ation; of fine reasoning: of noble exertion military and naval undertakings and esta- in the cause of freedom and truth, have blishments, political economy, and the been committed to the flames, in order to like. To face, and to make head against, get rid of the perilous temptation, because or, at least, to expose, this part of the it was impossible to separate the reasoning press, which, though a slower-motioned, from the facts; because it was impossible is, perhaps, a more sure engine for per- to separate public good from the personal manently blinding the eyes, debasing the danger of doing it! In looking back upon minds and corrupting the hearts of the the destruction of these masses of useful people, has always been a much-desired, labours, one is ready to fling the pen from and may now be, in some degree, a prac- one for ever, and to shut one's eyes against tical object. It is not to be supposed, every thing in the shape of letters. It is, that all the works of the above description however, obvious, that every correspondent can even be noticed in consequence of the should constantly bear in mind, that a additional space that will be obtained; for, publication is not, in this country, less liby the aid of sources so powerful as those bellous because it is true; and that libel is to which they might here be traced, they a crime, punished with more severity than are forced out in such abundance as even to the greater part of felonies.A ́ third overwhelm a public greedy of novelties rule, though of less consequence, is, neverand enamoured of delusion; but, at anytheless, necessary to be observed by all rate, some of the most mischievous of these works may be met and counteracted; or, at the least, the public may be put upon their guard with respect to them; while, on the other hand, such works, upon the subjects above mentioned, as appear likely to produce beneficial effects, may be described and recommended.

correspondents; namely; to convey their sentiments and facts, in a legible hand, writing in an illegible hand being much about the same, as to the effect, as writing in an incomprehensible style, or in a language which no one but the writer understands. The first object of writing, as of speaking, is to be understood: how blameable, then, must be that negligence, or how much worse than contemptible that affectation, which produces, under the name of writing, an assemblage of marks, which puzzle the heads and waste the time of the persons to whom they are addressed, and who generally avenge themselves by resorting to the use of the flames!It is only necessary to add, upon this head, that no communication will be inserted, unless addressed to MR. BAGSHAW, the Publisher, the postage being paid. This is the regular channel. To make use of any other is attended with great inconvenience.

To state precisely the mode of arrangement, which will be given to the proposed future contents of this work would be unnecessary. The nature of the contents is alone material. But, it is necessary distinctly to state, that communications from correspondents will not be wholly excluded; for, it would be great presumption in any conductor of a periodical work to suppose, that no one is able to aid him in the execution of any thing intended for the public good. Yet it is as necessary to lay down certain rules, as to the admission of such communications. The first of these is, that their insertion, or rejection, must, in The motives to this revival and extension all cases, be understood to be left entirely of exertion have been truly stated at the to the judgment and discretion of the per- out-set of this address. With motives, son to whom they are offered: and this for however, the public have little to do. It two very obvious reasons; first, because, is the principles, the reasoning, the facts, the very act of addressing them to him ne- in which they are interested. The quescessarily supposes a submission to his judg-tion always ought to be: is this just; is ent; and, second, because on him lies this true; is this right? And not, whence

comes this? Who has put it upon the paper? To eradicate the prejudices, which, by the means, principally, of a hireling press, have been so widely spread and so deeply implanted, is a task which it would be madness to hope to accomplish; but, it is not too much to hope, that they may be checked in their growth; that they may be impaired in their strength, and that their

natural fruit, slavery and misery, may be diminished. At any rate, though the attempt should wholly fail, he who makes it will have the satisfaction to know, that he is one amongst those, who have a right to say, that they are free from all share in the degradation of the country, while they are at worst, in no worse a state than their neighbours.

to hold him forth as a person, whose conSUMMARY OF POLITICS. duct Englishmen ought to admire.—The EULOGIUM ON GENERAL MOREAU.- Memoir says, that the Duke of Cumber"What!" the Reader will, perhaps, ex-land was amongst those who went to comclaim, "have you not already sufficiently pliment Moreau, and that the King of "demolished him; cannot you now suffer Prussia told Moreau, that he "admired "his torn and tattered reputation to sink" the MOTIVES which had urged him to "out of sight; must you still rake him up" repair to the army of the Ailies.""to our view; have you no bowels even Such being the language and the assertions; " for the dead?"—It is not I who have such being the example held forth to the raked him up. It is his eulogist. The soldiers and sailors of this country and to act is that of the Russian agent and of the all its inhabitants, it seems necessary, it English translator. His ashes are said to seems to be an imperious duty, in those, have been so dear to the Emperor Alex- who, like myself, abhor traitors, and, of ander, that he has ordered them to be car- course, wish to prevent my countrymen ried to Petersburgh. There they might from being seduced into the commission of have remained for me; but, it having been treasonable acts, to state, upon this occathought proper to rake them up and throw sion, what the law of England is, in this them in our faces; it having been thought respect, and to prevent my countrymen proper to make Moreau the subject of from being tempted, upon any occasion, to an high-wrought eulogy, through the follow the example of General Moreau. channel of the English press; it having According to our law, any native of this been thought proper to hold forth a man, kingdom or its dependencies, who shall be who lost his life in fighting against his na- found in arms against the forces of this tive country, as an example to be imitated, country, by land or sea, is considered as a it becomes the duty of every one, who is traitor, and is liable to the horrible puable, to endeavour to counteract the effect of nishment, which I shall, by-and-by, more such eulogy, especially at a time, when our particularly describe.To constitute this own government is insisting upon the right of crime, the highest that our law knows of, treating as trailors all those, who, though it is not necessary, that the guilty party citizens of America, are found in arms against assist in an invasion of the country; or, us, even upon the American shores. It is that he assist in making any attack upon the well known, that, only a few months ago (not country directly. If he be found in the two years) some British subjects were sen- service of the enemy (having voluntarily tenced to the most horrid of deaths for entered it), whether on the sea, or on the fighting on the side of France against us. land, at the furthermost corner of the world, Ought we not, therefore, to be very cau- he is still deemed to be a traitor, and to tious how we suffer a man to be applauded have justly incurred the penalty of an igfor fighting against his own country; it nominious death. We have two recent being very clear, that, generally speaking, cases in point. In May, 1812, seven men if such an act be praise-worthy in one man, were condemned (out of 59 accused) as it cannot be criminal in another man?- traitors, at the Sessions House in Sout..I have much to say upon what the Memoir wark, for having been found, at the Isle of the Russian agent states with regard to of France, in the service of Napoleon. the last months of Moreau's life; but, let They had been prisoners of war to the us first discuss the question in a legal point French, and had voluntarily entered into of view; for, if his conduct would have their service. The other case is that of made him a traitor in the eye of our own the British-born subjects, lately taken by law, it is most wicked, and most inhuman, us in the American army, serving in Ca

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nada. These persons appear to have be- " the neck, not till they were dead, but to come citizens of the United States; but," be cut down, and whilst yet alive, their our government, in spite of the remon- "bowels taken out, their heads cut off, strances of the Americans and in spite of " their bodies cut into quarters, and those all their threats of retaliation, has persist- "quarters to be at the disposal of the ed in regarding these persons as traitors, king."- -Such was the punishment of and our Commander in Chief in Canada men, who, being prisoners of war, entered has not only stated, that he will retaliate into the service of the enemy in the Isle of two-fold the retaliation of the Americans, France. Now, what is urged in defence but he has, at the same time, told his of the eulogized Moreau? That it was not army, that, in this proceeding they will against France, but against Napoleon, the not fail to see a striking proof of the pater- oppressor of France, that Moreau went to nal regard of the Prince Regent, who has, fight. But, has it ever been known, that in an official declaration, distinctly stated, any man was acquitted on such ground? that no British-born subject can ever cease, If such a pretext could avail, no man, while he has life, to be a British subject; serving against his country, could ever be and, of course, that, under no circum- found guilty; for no one would ever want cumstances whatever, can he voluntarily such a pretext. Was such a ground of take up arms against our forces by land or defence wanting to any of the persons exesea, without incurring the charge of high cuted for treason in Ireland? They all treason. When, therefore, we take alleged the same ground; but did that these principles of our law, and these aw- avail them aught? Did that save any ful practical illustrations of it, into view, one's life? In short, if you set up this as we are astonished to hear Moreau ap- a defence, you, at once, make every man plauded to the skies; we are astonished to the judge of the occasion when he shall see him represented as the most faithful, take up arms against his country; and yet, the most noble-minded, the most virtuous you must do this, or it is impossible for of men; and, it is impossible not to be- you to justify Moreau upon such ground. lieve, that there is great danger in the holding forth of such a man as an example to the world.He was not a prisoner of war, like the sailors in the Isle of France; he was not a settler in and citizen of, Russia or Germany, as the soldiers taken in Canada were of the American States; he was not a man ignorant of his duty; he was pressed forward by no temptation of rescuing himself from suffering like the sailors in the Isle of France; he had in Russia or Germany no property or family to defend as the soldiers taken in Canada might have. No: he was far distant from the scene of action and of danger; and, as the Memoir states, he came from America, he crossed the Atlantic, for the express purpose of serving the Emperor of Russia against the armies of his native country.The Chief Baron, Macdonald, when he passed sentence upon the Isle of France traitors, observed, that their offence was much greater than that of Murder; "for," said he, ❝ how much more aggravated a crime is it ❝to aid and assist the enemy in their efforts "to destroy a whole people." Thus, you see, this was the extent given to the tendency of the crime, though the miserable men were found upon an island in the South Seas.And what was their punishment?"To be drawn on a hurdle to the "place of execution, there to be hanged by

There is, however, another ground; but, I imagine, it will not be found more solid than the foregoing. It is this. That Napoleon is an Usurper; that he is not the lawful sovereign of France; and that, therefore, Frenchmen have a right to make war against him, in order to get rid of his usurpation. -Now, though a royalist Frenchman might, with some apparent reason, put forward such a ground of defence, Moreau seems to have had no right to do it, though the Allies had been making war with the avowed purpose of over. setting an usurper. But, the awkward circumstance is, that the power, into whose service he had entered, and in whose service he lost his life, had twice, by solemn treaty, recognized Napoleon as Emperor of the French and King of Italy. All the Allies, except England, had, by treaty, recognized him in this character. England had recognized him, while First Consul, as the legal sovereign, de facto, of France, and such he had been declared to be in the English Court of King's Bench. Nay, since the death of Moreau, and even to this hour, the Allies, one of whom became a Crown Prince through his influence and at his nomination, have, in their public declarations, styled him the Emperor of the French, and, in that character, have tendered him terms of peace, and avowed

The passages worthy of particular attention I have pointed out by the use of italic characters. AUTHENTIC LETTER OF GENERAL MOREAU fore the end of the campaign, his ill health