1 afraid that there is not a single treaty in existence which might not be set aside on the same ground; and if such a principle were once admitted, mankind, in the present state of the world, need lay themselves out for no other occupation than that of interminable war. France then invaded Russia, because Russia violated her engagement with France. In acting thus, Erance conformed to the laws of nations, and to the admitted policy of European states. Buonaparté cannot be accused of burning Moscow; he could not prevent that conflagration; the only thing he could do was to punish those he found active in executing the decree which occasioned it. But such is the enmity some men bear towards him, that even this act, which in any other sovereign would have been extolled as an act of inflexible justice, was condemned in him as an instance of savage barbarity. His subsequent stay at Moscow was evidently occasioned by an expectation, that the Court of St. Petersburgh would renew her alliance with France. When he saw there remained no hopes of this, he resolved on withdrawing his army; but here, the hand of Heaven, which had done so much for him, and on more than one occasion, had enabled him to dictate a peace in the capi tal of his enemy, determined, at last, to arrest his career, and to send him back to his people, stript of, his laurels. If they had been indignant at Buonaparte for his failure in this expedition, now was the time to show this. But, instead of blam ing him, they applauded his conduct; for, in a few months after, we find him, by the prompt levies which were raised, again able to take the field, and obtaining new victories over the enemies of France. Every thing, therefore, has hitherto demonstrated the falsehood of the assertion, that Buonaparté is unpopular among his subjects on account of his disasters. Let us now examine whether the charges of cowardice, of a foolish temerity, and of being actually ignorant of military tactics, which are so lavishly brought against him, ought, in the Allies at the present moment, even | his interest as he could have wished; I am supposing they should have forgot the fate of the Duke of Brunswick, who, upon their own principles, was driven out of France because he meditated the conquest of that country? Are the Allies certain that none of the feelings which at that time influenced them, now occupy their minds? Are not the acquisitions which Sweden has obtained at the expense of Denmark, a pledge that others of the confederation are to share a portion of the spoil? Time, perhaps, will show whether we have been mistaken in our conjectures. But in the meanwhile can it be believed that Buonaparte was so mad as to calculate upon retaining Moscow, and of aunexing all the countries he had conquered in his progress to that capital, to the French empire? No man of common sense, can believe this, without also admitting that it is the intention of the Emperor Alexander, to annex the German States which he has overrun, to his own dominions-nay, even France itself, should he be so fortunate as to succeed in planting the Russian Eagle on the walls of Paris. What then was the motive which led Buonaparte to Moscow, and where are we to seek for a disclosure of his views? When we wish to discover the intentions of any Power, we always look for these to their public documents; at least this is the rule which generally obtains, and we see no reason why it should not be adopted as to France. Now in the Exposé published by Buonaparte previous to setting out on his expedition to Russia, it was distinctly stated, that the only cause of renewing hostilities against Alexander, was his violation of the treaty of Tilsit; and in all the subsequent declarations of Buonaparte, he insisted upon that infraction alone, which the Court of Russia never denied, or even attempted to palliate. If the infringement of treaties then is recognised, in the laws of nations, as a justifiable cause for going to war, why should Buonaparté be abused for availing himself of it? Or why should his subjects wish to dethrone him, for pursuing the same line of policy pursued by other monarchs? There is nothing in the argu-justice, to be applied to Buonaparte. If sucment, that France had dictated terms to Russia when Russia was prostrate at her feet; because all the powers of Europe have, at one period or another, acted in a similar manner. If treaties, deliberately and solemnly entered into, are not to be respected by the contracting parties, because one of them may afterwards find that some of the terms are not so favourable to cess is to be regarded as the criterion of valour, and the want of it a proof of cowardice, then is Buonaparte to be held a coward, for he not only did not succeed in his views against the Allies, but he found it necessary to abandon all the advantages he had obtained, and is now, in turn, obliged to defend his own territory against the attempts of those he formerly invaded.. But if this rule be adopted in the case of Buonaparte, we cannot avoid applying it to all other cases of a similar nature. What shall we then say of the Dunkirk and the Helder retreats? or the famous Walcheren expedition? Are we to infer, from these disasters, that the commanding officers were cowards? Or in what light are we to consider the conduct of Marquis Wellington, when he found himself obliged to make a precipitate retreat to Torras Vedras ? The news-papers were loud in extolling this movement as a proof of his superior skill. Nothing but the Fabian exploit was talked of every one was louder than another in sounding the praise of the Noble Marquis, for the generalship he displayed in escaping from the clutches of Massena. But how could the public be so stupid as to pronounce this circumstance a proof of military skill and valour in our general, when, at this day, they regard a similar retreat by another general, as evidence of cowardice? This nation were once disposed to allow General Moreau credit for his skill in managing retreats. Amidst all the honours, however, which the sovereigns of Europe are conferring upon his memory for making common cause with them against his own country, I do not see that they can avoid detracting from his merit, if the rule by which they now determine cowardice is to be held inviolable. For my part, I admit of no such rule, and, therefore, cannot subject myself to the inconsistency in which its supporters necessarily involve themselves. I consider the character of Buonaparté for valour, too well established before the battle of Leipsic, to be overthrown by that event. Had he, instead of maintaining his ground, and giving battle to his opponents, fled from the field without firing a shot, I might then, perhaps, have subscribed to the charge; but finding him, amidst the innumerable difficulties with which he was surrounded -pressed on, all sides by troops superior to his own in numbers and discipline; and struggling to counteract the defection of his Allies, whose forces constituted his chief strength; I cannot but admire that undaunted courage which led him to risk a battle in such trying circumstances, and that superior knowledge of military tactics which he displayed in securing the retreat of so large a portion of his army, after the fatal result to him of that memorable battle. Had any other general than Buonaparté extricated himself, in the manner he did from so many perils, his name would have been immortalized; and the historian, in detailing the events of that tremendous day, could not fail to record, as a proof of the great talents of the man who was forced to yield only to superior numbers, that treason existed in his camp; that at the moment victory hovered over his standard, the desertion of at least a third of his troops, who instantly turned their arms against him, was the real cause of his quitting the field. This fact is too notorious to be denied: it was admitted in our government bulletin, which first announced the retreat of Buonaparté : it was afterwards acknowledged, though with apparent reluctance, in the dispatches received by government from Lord Cathcart, and Sir Charles Stewart; and it was fully confirmed by the French bulletins, which, upon that occasion, were generally admitted to contain a faithful report of the extent of Buonaparte's disasters. It is true, every exertion has been made, by a servile and prostituted press, to obliterate the impression which this fact was calculated to: produce on the minds of the people of this country. Knowing well that it was sufficient of itself to protect the reputation of Napoleon, the editors of all our news- ; papers carefully kept it out of view, while : they dwelt with exultation on the profound dispositions, the extraordinary military talents, and the undaunted bravery of the Crown Prince of Sweden, who, it is now gravely asserted, far surpasses his former master in every quality essential to the formation of a great man, and an able general. But although this sort of deception is attended every day with a success exceeding the most sanguine expectations of those engaged in practising it, we are not to suppose that the people of France are ignorant of the true cause of their reverses; or that they are so infatuated as to hate their sovereign because he could not command victory when it was impossible to command it, and because he could not avert calamities which no other human being could either foresee or prevent. But supposing Buonaparte had been fairly beaten by equal numbers, I cannot admit that even this would have afforded a just cause for his subjects to revolt against him. Neither do I see how the man that! thinks differently can, consistent with his opinion, avoid censuring the inhabitants of Russia, of Austria, and of Prussia; for: these people not only tolerated their sovereigns after they had been repeatedly humbled by France, but even, in the midst of these disasters, evinced the greatest regard France, as what are every day promulgated by the press of this country. It cannot be surprising then if other nations entertain more correct ideas as to the conduct and policy of their rulers, than what are entertained by the majority of Englishmen. Nor will it appear any way extraordinary, if, in opposition to what has been so often asserted here, the rest of the people of Europe should concur with me in believing, that the subjects of Buonaparte neither hate him, nor desire a change of sovereigns. OFFICIAL PAPERS. FRENCH PAPERS. Paris, Dec. 27. IMPERIAL DECREES. and affection for them. If Buonaparte is that great monster, which the public journals represent him to be, how could the good people of Russia look upon Alexander with indulgence, after being contaminated, as he must have been, by his frequent personal interviews with the "Corsican during one of which, the sovereign of all the Russias actually embraced the "vile caitiff?" Or how could the Emperor Francis justify himself to his subjects, for sacrificing his beloved daughter, by giving her in marriage to "the most unprincipled ty rant that ever disgraced human nature ?" The devotion of the Prussians to the succes sor of the great Frederick; to that monarch, whose numerous and well disciplined armies were so recently and so often defeated by the French, is so great, we are told, that they actually adore him; so much so, inPalace of the Thuilleries, Dec. 26, 1813. deed, that, like another celebrated person- Napoleon, Emperor of the French, King age whose name is so famous in modern of Italy, Protector of the Confederation of annals, it was with difficulty this beloved the Rhine, Mediator of the Swiss Confedemonarch escaped suffocation when he en- ration, &c. We have decreed and do detered his capital, such was the eagerness of cree as follows: Art. I. There shall be the ladies to embrace him. These patriotic sent Senators, or Counsellors of State, into females were, no doubt, prevented from the military divisions, in quality of our demonstrating, in this way, their loyalty to Commissioners Extraordinary; they shall so good a king; but so high was their eu be accompanied by maitres des requetes, or thusiasm, so determined were they to sup- auditors. Our Extraordinary Comport his cause, in spite of all his misfor- missioners are charged with accelerating, tunes, that we are positively assured, upon 1. The levies of the conscription 2! The the authority of the Spanish minister, resi clothing, equipment, and arming of the dent at Berlin, "every Prussian female has troops. 31 The completing of the providelivered up her jewels and trinkets to the sioning of fortresses. 4. The levy of horses treasury to support the war." If the peo- required for the service of the army. 5. ple of Russia, of Austria, and of Prussia, The levy and organization of the National could shew' so much indulgence, and so Guards conformably to our decrees. Our much attachment to their governments, as said Extraordinary Commissioners shall be we see they have done, notwithstanding all authorized to extend the dispositions of the their reverses, is it reasonable to suppose said: decrees to towns and places which are that the French nation, for whom Buona not comprehended in themi III. Those parté fought so many battles, gained so of our said: Extraordinary Commissioners many splendid victories, and who conferred who shall be sent into countries threatened upon them a Constitution which is the envy by the enemy, shall order levies en masse, even of his enemies? Can it, I say, be sup-and all other measures whatever, necessary posed, that they will not succour him in his to the defence of the country, and comdistress, and submit to every sacrifice which manded by the duty of opposing the proa grateful, a brave; and a high mindedgress of the enemy. Besides, special inpeople ought to make, to enable him to restructions shall be given them, according to cover his fallen fortunes? It is impossible the particular situation of the departments but what they must; unless, indeed, we can to which they belong.IV. Our Extrabelieve they are prepared themselves to subordinary Commissioners are authorized to mit, and to look with indifference upon order all measures of high police, which the submission of all Europe, to a worse circumstances, and the maintenance of pub despotism than that which the revolution of lic order, may demand:V. They are France so effectually annihilated. The likewise ordered to form military coinmis truth is, there is not a people in this quarsions, and summon before them, or before ter of the globe among whom such gross the special courts, all persons accused of and barbarous notions prevail respecting favouring the enemy, of being in communi- made the most serious examination of the cation with him, or of attempting the pub- By the Emperor, NAPOLEON The Minister Secretary of State, (Signed) The Duke of BASSANO, Palace of the Thuilleries, Dec, 16, 1813. Napoleon, Emperor of the French, King of Italy, Protector of the Rhenish Confederation, Mediator of the Swiss Confederation, &c.In consequence of our Decree of this day, we have named and name for our extraordinary Commissioners.[Here follow the names.] CONSERVATIVE SENATE. Silling of Monday, Dec. 27, 1813. His Serene Highness the Prince Arch Chancellor of the Empire President.In the name of the Special Committee appointed in the Sitting of the 22d of this month, the Senator Count de Fontanes, one of its Members, obtained permission to speak, and made to the Assembly the following report: He menced; you ought to be acquainted with victories.The efforts of the French Cabinet were in vain; peace became more remote; hostilities began again; events as sumed another face. The soldiers of the German Princes, but now our allies, shewed more than once, while fighting under our banners, a fidelity but too dubious: all at once they ceased to dissemble, and joined our enemies. From that moment the combinations of a campaign, so gloriously begun could not have the expected success.→→ The Emperor perceived that it was time to "My Lord, Senators,-The first duty order the French to evacuate Germany. He of the Senate towards the Monarch and the returned with them fighting at almost every people is truth. -The extraordinary si- step; and on the narrow route where so many tuation in which the country finds itself, open defections and silent treacheries, conrenders this duty still more obligatory.- fined his progress and his motions, new The Emperor himself invites all the great trophies marked his return. We followed bodies of the State to express their opinions him with some uneasiness in the midst of freely a truly loyal idea! The salu- so many obstacles, over which he alone tary developement of those monarchical in could triumph. With joy we saw him restitutions, in which power centred in the turn to his frontiers, not with his accus hands of one, is strengthened in the con- tomed good fortune, but not without hero fidence of all; and which, giving to the ism and without glory. Having returned throne the guarantee of the national opinion, to his capital, he turned his eyes from gives to the people in their turn the con- those fields of battle where the world had sciousness of their dignity, the too just re-admired him for 15 years; he even detached ward of their sacrifices. Such magnanimous intentions ought not to be deceived. -Accordingly, the Committee named in your Sitting of the 22d of December, whose organ I have the honour to be, has his thoughts from the great designs which peace, and as soon as the hope of a negociation seemed pos- was not acknowledged till the 10th. sible, he hastened to seize it. The events In the interval a Gazette, now under the of the war led the Baron de St. Aignan to influence of the Allied Powers, published the head-quarters of the Allied Powers. to all Europe a declaration, which is said to be There he saw the Austrian Minister, Prince furnished with their authority. It would Metternich; and the Russian Minister, be melancholy to believe it.This deCount Nesselrode.Both, in the name claration is of a nature unusual in the diploof their Courts, laid before him in a con-macy of Kings. It is no longer to Kings fidential conversation the bases of a gene-like themselves that they explain their ral pacification. The English Ambassa- grievances, and send their manifestoes. It dor, Lord Aberdeen, was present at this is to the people that they address them: conference. Observe this last fact, Sena- and from what motive do they adopt such a tors; it is important.Baron St. Aig- new method of proceeding? It is to senan, being desired to acquaint his Court parate the cause of the people from that of with all he had heard, faithfully ac- their governors, though the interest of soquitted himself of this commission. ciety has every where united them.Though France had a right to hope for other May not this example be fatal? Should it proposals, the Emperor sacrificed every be given, especially at this period, when thing to his sincere wish for peace. He people's minds, agitated by all the diseases caused the Duke of Bassano to write to of pride, are so averse to bending under Prince Metternich, that he admitted as the the authority which protects them, while basis of negociation, the general principle it represses their audacity? And against contained in the confidential report of M. whom is this indirect attack aimed? Against de St. Aignan. Prince Metternich, in a great man, who merited the gratitude of reply to the Duke of Bassano, seemed to all Kings; because, by re-establishing the think there was something vague in the ac- throne of France, he has closed up the ceptance (adhesion) given by France. crater of the volcano which threatened Then, to remove every difficulty, the Duke them all. It must not be dissembled, of Vicenza, after having taken the orders of that, in certain respects this extraordinary his Majesty, made known to the Cabinet of manifesto is in a moderate tone. This Austria, that his Majesty adhered to the proves, that the experience of the coalition general and summary basis communicated has gained perfection. -It may be reby M. de St. Aignan. The Duke of Vi-membered, perhaps, that the Manifesto of cenza's letter is of the 2d of December; it the Duke of Brunswick irritated the pride was received on the 5th of the same of a great people. In fact, even those who month. Prince Metternich did not answer till the 10th. These dates must be carefully observed; you will soon see that they are not without importance. Just hopes of peace may be conceived on reading the answer of Prince Metternich to the dispatch of the Duke of Vicenza; only at the end of his letter he announces, that before the negociations are opened, it is necessary to confer about them with the Allies. These Allies can be no other than the English. Now their Ambassador was present at the conversation of which M. de St. Aignan had been witness. We do not desire to excite distrust; we relate.We have carefully noted the date of the last correspondence between the French and the Austrian Cabinets; we have said that the Duke of Vicenza's letter must have been received on the 5th, and that the receipt did not join in the opinions prevalent at that period, when they read this insulting Manifesto, found themselves offended in the national honour. Another language has therefore been assumed. Europe fatigued, has more need of repose than of passions.But if there be so much moderation in the councils of our enemies, wherefore, while they continually speak of peace, do they still menace our frontiers, which they had promised to respect, when we should have no other barrier than the Rhine? If our enemies are so moderate, why have they violated the capitulation of Dres-, den? why have they not done justice to the noble complaints of the General who commanded in that place?If they are so moderate, why have they not established the exchange of prisoners, conformably to (To be continued.) Published by R. BAGSHAW, Brydges-Street, Covent-Garden. ! LONDON: Printed by J. M'Creery, Black-Horse-Court, Fleet-street. |