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NAPLES-Declaration of Ferdinand, dated Pa-
lermo, 24th April, 1814, 704.

BREAD. The average price of the Quartern Loaf, weighing 4lb. 5oz. 8drms. in London, which
is nearly the same as in other parts of the country, 18. old.

WHEAT.-The average price for the above period, through all England, per Winchester Bushel
of & gallons: 98. 5d.

MEAT.-Per pound, on an average for the time above stated, as sold wholesale at Smithfield
Market, not including the value of skiu or offal. Beef, 9d.; Mutton, 10d.; Veal, 11d.; Pork, 1s.
—N. B. This is nearly the retail price all over the country, the Butcher's profit consisting of the
skin and offal.

LABOUR. The average pay per day of a labouring man employed in farming work, at Botley, in
Hampshire, being about a fifth bigher than the wages throughout the whole country, 25. 2d.

BULLION.-Standard Gold in Bars, per Oz. £5. 4s. 3d.-Standard Silver do. 65. 114d. N. B. These
are the average prices, during the above period, in Bank of England Notes. The prices in Gold and
Silver Coin are for an ounce of Gold £3. 17s. 10žd.; for an ounce of Silver, 5s. 2d.

FUNDS.-Average price of the Three Per Cent. Consolidated Annuities, during the above pe-

riod: 661.

BANKRUPTS.-Number of Bankrupts, declared in the London Gazette, during the above pe-

COBBETT'S WEEKLY POLITICAL REGISTER.

VOL. XXV. No. 1.]@LONDON, SATURDAY, JANUARY 1, 1814.

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change of dynasty in Sweden? Have we SUMMARY OF POLITICS. not, by the most solemn act, and in the PEACE.At last there really does ap- name of The Most Holy and Undivided Tripear to be some prospect of this event.nity, acknowledged Bernadotte, a FrenchBut, uncommon exertions are making, by man, and not long ago a private soldier in the Anti-jacobin writers in this country, to the French armies, to be the lawful heir to prevent it. Their language is such as to the crown of Sweden? Nay, have we not inake me fear, that they are not alone in ceded to him, in that capacity, an island, their wishes; and, therefore, it becomes us, forming part of the territories formerly the who wish to see peace before we die, to Bourbon's territories ?Still more reendeavour to counteract their malignant ef- cently have we not sanctioned a change, forts. The Declaration of the Allies that is to say, a revolution, in the governwas well calculated to move the gall of the ment of Holland? That government has Anti-jacobins, whom we find, at last, to been, all of a sudden, changed from a Rebe haters of the French nation, in a mass. public to a Principality, and we have apMere, vulgar haters of a whole nation; proved of the change.What, then, are haters of 30 millions of people, inhabiting the French alone not to be permitted to the fairest and richest part of the world, make any change in their rulers, or in the which is also the seat of science and the nature of their government? What asarts, and of periect religious liberty. surance! what insolence, in us, to attempt The Anti-jacobins were for war against the to justify the continuance of war upon any Republicans of France; they were for eter- such ground?But, perhaps, the most nal war against them, because they acted striking instance is, our recognition of, and upon what were called "disorganizing our war for, Ferdinand VII., as King of "principles." Well, but the French are Spain, while his father is still alive! We no longer Republicans. They own the have a right to do this, as far as I know: sway of an Emperor, whose crown is here- but, I am quite sure, that, while we do ditary. Why, therefore, do they now wish this, we must be most unconscionably imfor war with France? Is it because Na-pudent, if we pretend, that a change of poleon is not a member of the old family, rulers, out of the settled course, in any and that to sanction, by treaty, a change of country, is a justifiable ground for our hos dynasty in France, might prove a most de-tility to that country.What ground, structive example?- Why, has our then, is there for the war-men to stand change of dynasty done us any harm? Do not we boast of a change of dynasty? Our old family was supplanted by a new one; to wit; but the Illustrious House of Brunswick, and we call the event a "Glorious "Revolution." Nay, a foreigner came here to reign in the stead of our old discarded king, and that foreigner came, too, with foreign troops to assist him.To object, therefore, to peace with France, on account of the change in her dynasty, and to talk of continuing the war with her, in order to compel her to relinquish that change, would exhibit us to the world in the light of the most inconsistent and most impudent people that ever breathed. Besides, are we not now, even at this moment, sanctioning, in the most unequivocal manner, a complete

upon in their opposition to peace with France?--If the political principles of the French nation, and the change in her government and rulers, no longer afford the smallest pretence for an objection to treat with her for peace, it follows, of course, that there now remains no objection except as to TERMS; and, our war-men should have waited till they could have plainly stated the Terms of the Allies before they proceeded to prepossess the minds of the people against peace. This, however, is what they have not done. They have seized hold of the Declaration of the Allies as a text whereon to declaim against the power of France. They no longer talk of the principles of France. It is her power that they are now afraid of, and that, too, at a

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moment when they tell us, that Napoleon "land. There is no doubt that he will is an object of contempt!Thus they" leave no artifice unpractised to separate us discover their insincerity; thus, by shifting" and our Allies. In this attempt we trust their ground and belying their own asser- "he will fail; for the Allies see and feel tions, they prove to us, that it is not safely "that their truest interests consist in the they want, but war.. They profit from "closest and most intimate alliance with the way and, that is the sole real objec-" this country.--But the Allies should tion to peace. The following publica-" guard against their generous feelings;

tion, in the Courier of the 25th Dec., is "they should not be hurried into conditions well worthy of the reader's attention, espe- "of peace less than their situation and cially if he bear in mind the real source "safety entitle them to claim. By peace, whence it has issued. He will be" France will gain every thing. She will amused with the confusion purposely intro- "regain at least 300,000 of her best troops, duced as to us, and the Allies; and with "one-half of her best officers, and scamen the shifts, to which the writer is driven, in“ sufficient to man 50 sail of the line. The order to make out a preliminary objection "obstinacy and rashness of Buonaparte to peace. And, then, the softened tone" have thrown away the military means of which follows the melancholy supposition," France. Never again can Europe exthat the Allies may be disposed to treat "pect to find her so stripped of an army, separately, and to leave us in the lurch," so exhausted in her finances : never again notwithstanding the observation, said, in "can Europe expect to see a more formithe news-papers, to have been made, the "dable and victorious force opposed to other day, by the Duke of Clarence, just" France. The crisis is great, it is in faafter he told the company, at the Scotch" your of the Allies, not only beyond exDinner, that he was a Scotch Prince and a "pectation, but beyond calculation, and if German Prince too. The observation was: "they do not reap the full advantage of it, that we had successfully fought all Europe," they may soon pay dearly for their folly. single-handed. Why, then, does this cow- "In six months after a peace, France may ardly writer soften his tone in case the Al-"have fifly sail of the line, well manned, lies, or any considerable member of the al- and an army of half a million of men, liance, should secede?-But, let us now "commanded by a great military genius. One hear this writer, keeping in mind the pro-" victory may again give him possession of bable fact, that he is no more than the Vienna, and Europe may be re plunged mere mouth-piece of others." We ob-" in all the miseries which it is now in her "serve in the set of Frankfort Papers we 66 power to erect an effectual barrier against. "have received, that Austria has repub-"This barrier is the ancient limits of "lished, in a Supplement to the Frankfort "Gazelle of the 22d November, the De"claration she issued last August. The "motives that have led to the republication" shall we increase them now we can reduce "of this document, we are unable to ex "plain. We may be sure, however, that it has been done designedly. Surely "Austria cannot mean that she republishes ❝ it to shew that in November her demands "and conditions remain the same as they "were in August. In that declaration it is stated, that if a general peace could "not be made, a preliminary continental peace might be negociated. Is such a de"sign in contemplation now? Does Buo"naparté wish to draw the Continental not concur in insisting on conditions to "Powers into a separate peace, and is this "the extent of reducing France to her an"the cause of Lord Castlereagh's visit to "cient limits. In that case we must take "the Continent? We remark in the just as much as the Alliance collectively 66 Speech a bitterness against England, and "will demand. We must take conditions "we recollect that in a previous Speech to far short of those which safety requires, "the Senate, he had attempted to pique" and power enables us to dictate, rather "the Continental Sovereigns with saying," than allow the secession of any material "that their opinions were directed by Eng-"Member from the Alliance. Should

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France, as existing in 1789. Even those "limits have been found too powerful for "the balance of power in Europe, and

"them to a state of fair preponderance? If "Buonaparté refuses such conditions, the "Allies should occupy Paris, restore the " Bourbon Family, re-create the Royal "Party, and effect their purpose by that 66 means. The restoration of the Bourbons

might not, iudced, be made a sine qua "non at present, but we should never for"get that that measure alone can afford "well-founded hopes of a permanent peace. "But perhaps some of the Allies would

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66 more than her ancient limits be granted "consists in the closest and most intimate. to France, Ministers will of course be" connexion with this country," and that, prepared to shew that they would have therefore, no design of a separate peace can "insisted on better terms could they have be entertained.Why, I doubt, now, prevailed on the Alliance collectively to for my part, whether the Court of Vienna "have concurred with them. If not they will see the thing in this light. I should are undone; the country will execrate not be at all surprised, if there were per"them, and two-thirds of the Opposition sons in that Court to assert, that it was to "will arraign them. The Opposition are her connexions with this country, that "now laying in wait in hopes that insuffi- Austria owed all her losses and disgrace in "cient terms of peace will bring them into former wars for the last 20 years; and, 66 power. The country expects that the that now is the time, before it be too late, "terms will be sufficient. It is extrava- for her to detach herself from us.66 gant, if not visionary, to hope that France it is absurd to suppose that all the Allies 66 can ever again be found so weak while can find it their interest to be so closely allied "the Allies are so strong. It is highly tous. Tous, and what are we? This presump"improbable that so favourable a crisis can tuous man says, in a subsequent paragraph, 66 ever again occur. Let us take full ad- that, if it had not been for us the Allies would vantage of it, and not leave occasion for have been in a very different situation.. "reproaching ourselves hereafter with a True, they will probably say; for, if it ic silly generosity to an enemy, whose high- had not been for you, we should never have "est triumphs inspired him only with a been in the situation from which, by our "keener appetite for conquest, blood, and blood, we have now been rescued. Yes, rapine. Buonaparte must hate Austria there will not be wanting people, even in so deeply, that if he again masters her, Russia, to remark, that London was quite he will extinguish her: and a very short safe, while Moscow was in flames."time may place it in his power to revenge The Allies, this everlasting-war man says, himself for the humiliating condition to should "guard against their generous feel"which she has now brought him.". "ings." (Kind gentleman!) For, says. We will take this article in its own order; he, "by peace France will gain a great for, looking upon the writer as a mouth- army, and SEAMEN TO MAN 50 piece, it is of considerable importance.- "SHIPS OF THE LINE. In six months He is at loss to explain the motives of Aus- "after peace she may have 50 ships of the tria in causing her former Declaration to be" line well manned." Well! And what republished now; and says, "surely" her demands and conditions cannot remain the same as they were in August! Perhaps they do not remain the same precisely; but, it is probable, that they do not very widely differ; and, indeed, the republication of the declaration of August is a strong presumptive proof that such is the fact. In August Austria proposed the negociating of a Preliminary Continental peace, in case a general peace could not be made. That is to say, in case England would not agree to such a peace as the maritime states were willing to agree to, Austria proposed the negociating of a peace on the land. There is no other sense in the words; and, indeed, it is not reasonable to suppose, that all the nations of Europe; that 150 millions of people are to live for years longer in a state of warfare, their several homes alternately exposed to plunder and violence, and their blood continually exposed to be shed, merely on account of the commercial interests of this Island.We are told by this eternal-war man, that Austria must now see, that her "truest interest

is that to the Allies? How does this man know, that some of the Allies do not wish to see France with 50 ships of the line well mauned? How does he know, that there is nothing they would more avoid than to destroy the navy of France?We are always, as I said before, smelling after the French ships. We shall be deceived about these French ships.It is very wonderful (if any thing in the impudence of these men can be wonderful), that our writers who are for eternal war, never seem to reflect on our fleets; on our conquests; on our aggrandizement. And, do they really believe? I should not wonder if their presumption were to go that length. Do they really and in good earnest; can they seriously believe, that the Allies mean to be urged on by us to cripple France (supposing them to have the power), and to destroy her last ship, while we are to be quietly left in possession of all the colonies of the world, together with the fleets of Holland, Portugal, Spain, and Denmark, and Sicily? Stupid men! They are so completely blinded in one eye by our self

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praises; by the endless braggings of our
stage, our press, and our speechifyings,
that they never see but one side of the
question, if it relate to any dispute between
us and any foreign nation. -France, this
everlasting-war man tells us, may, in six
months, under the great military genius of
Buonaparté, be again in possession of
Vienna.- I thought he was sunk so very
low, the other day, as to be merely an ob-
ject of contempt. Well; but he is not, it
seems. But, if he be not; if it will take
him so little time to assume his old atti-
tude, is there not some risk in endeavour-
ing to push him further now. Oh! no
there is no risk to us. Very true, and the
Court of Vienna knows that very well.
After all, however, we are, it seems,
to take such terms as we can get, rather
than send off any material member of the
alliance. But, we are afterwards told,
that our maritime rights are not to become
a subject of negociation at any Congress.
Very likely not; but, then, I am pretty
certain, that peace will be made without
us; because we, who will not suffer the
Allies to treat of any thing of ours, cannot
be, I should think, such fools, such im-
pudent coxcombs, as to expect, that the
Allies will suffer us to have any thing to
say as to any thing of theirs. No, no!
If we mean to be admitted to a Congress
for a general peace, we must bring all our
conquests and all our maritime claims into
the general mass. -The tone of impu-
dence which this writer takes towards the
close, would excite indignation if it were
not so very ridiculous. "Let us," says
he, "take full advantage of our high si-
"tuation, and not leave occasion, here-
"after, for reproaching ourselves with silly
"generosity.' Just as if we had an
army on the Rhine! Just as if we had made
any offer to treat, or had the power to pre-
vent peace for one day.- The visit of
Lord Castlereagh to the Allies is a matter
of great moment. It is said, that he is
going in order to prevent delay in communi-
cating with our Allies. But, what makes
the case so very urgent? If a Congress is
about to be held, we, of course, if we are
to be at it, shall have an Envoy there, with
full powers to treat; and our Secretary of
State for foreign affairs will be constantly
wanted at home. "No: it cannot be to
negociate, or to assist négociation, that he
is gone (if gone at all); but, to "explain
the views of our government," as we are
told; and, in fact, to endeavour to hold
the alliance together, and to urge on the

powers to the crippling of France.A very legitimate object, perhaps; but, one, I believe, in which he will not succeed.

It is rumoured, that disunion exists amongst the Allies; and, if so, it must be allowed, if we reflect on the grand capacity, which his Lordship displayed in uniting Ireland with England, that a more proper man could not have been sent to the Quarters of the Allies. His Lordship will, I dare say, be well furnished with arguments in favour of union upon this occasion; but, whether the same sort of arguments, which he so copiously and so successfully used to the members of the Irish parliament, will have a similar effect upon the Allies is more than we can yet be able to decide.-Be this as it may, it is downright folly to suppose, that he is gone to the Continent merely to prevent delays in communicating with our Allies. That cannot be. He must be gone upon some very important and very pressing business; some unexpected cause must have produced his journey; his object must be of a nature to admit of not a moment's delay.It appears to me natural to suppose, that the Court of Vienna, not wishing either to destroy or to humble Napoleon, will by no means wish to weaken him on his maritime side, where he would be least formidable to her. It may also be very natural for her to say, that, if she has honourable terms of peace, it may be advisable to leave him at war with us. To prevent that, we must make application to her; and, with what face can we make that application, unless we offer, at the same time, to bring in our conquests, and our claims on the seas, to be disposed of and settled at a general peace? The powers of the Continent have seen themselves, for many years, harrassed on the one side by France and on the other side by us. They do wish, because they must wish, to see both nations reduced in point of power; and, if they cannot effect that reduction by treaty, the only means they have left, is, to leave us at war, while they enjoy peace, which, by a prudent line of conduct, they may now enjoy in safety. From the Speech of Napoleon and that of the Orator of Government, it very clearly appears, that nego ciations are about to be opened; and, I think, that there can be no doubt, that we have had no hand in the matter. It does not follow, that we shall be excluded; but, if we go into a Congress, we must go with all our budget of conquests and maritime claims: It is easy for us, who run no

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