character, as a refpectable country-gentleman, and an independent Member of Parliament, to fink himself to a level with factious de magogues, by lavishing indiscriminate abule on all the allies of his country, while he never mentioned her most inveterate and unprincipled enemy, but as the destroyer of Jacobinism, and the pacificator of Europe? We could not but fmile at reading that part of Mr. J.'s propofed addrefs which states the prefent to be a "calamitous war," when, in the speech, by which it was preceded, we found the country reprefented, as in a ftate of unexampled profperity, her fovereignty over the feas established, the fleets of her enemies cooped up in port, their captive banners floating in the cathedral of her metropolis; when we read, that she had "monopolized almost the commerce of the whole world," that her " ports were crouded with the ships of all the nations of the earth;" and that her foreign possesfions were" in a state of folid and permanent fecurity." We could not but ask ourselves, if these be symptoms of calamity, what will Mr. Jones confider as proofs of profperity? "ENGLAND," we are told," has not tried the faith of REPUBLICAN FRANCE" fo faid Mr. SHERIDAN in the year 1794. Let those who wish to ascertain the nature of that faith, read the history of the French Republic, in her tranfactions with foreign powers,. from the moment of her birth to the present time; and if, having ead it, they can recommend this country to try that faith, they muft either be the boldeft, the weakest, or the most treacherous, of her friends. ADULTERY. F we had not been prevented by illness from giving, in our last fomewhat at large into the momentous queftion which was then under difcuffion in Parliament, relating to the fin of adultery, and the means proposed for checking its progrefs. Confidering this question as one which materially involves not only the prefent happiness but the future falvation of the people of this country; as a queftion which affects them not merely as members of civil fociety, but as Chriftians, as creatures placed here in a state of probation, accountable for their actions to a fupreme Being, and deftined for another and a better life, we think it deferving fomething more than a fugitive attention, a temporary confideration, a tranfient importance; we are decidedly of opinion that it calls for the earnest investigation, the most zealous exertions, and the most unremitting perfeverance of all who value the character of a Chriftian, and who think with us, that every human law fhould be founded on the immutable bafis of the Divine will, wherever that will has been made manifeft to man, either by direct revelation from the Creator himself, from the bleffed Redeemer of the human sace, or by the communication of infpired writers. Deeply impressed with this idea, and fully aware of the marked profligacy of the age, we saw, with infinite pleasure, a Bill introduced into the Upper Houfe, calculated to reprefs the deftructive vice, the crying fin, of adultery.. And though we could have wished that this Bill had been more efficient in its provifions, yet, in its meliorated state, we confidered it as eminently fitted to produce the defired effect. We, therefore, imagined that it muft pafs with unanimity. Our furprize, then, at feeing it attacked with all the virulence of party, at witneffing a determined, an inveterate oppofition to it, may be more easily conceived than expreffed. But even this furprize was exceeded by our concern on perceiving, in the published lifts of the divifion in the House of Lords, the heir apparent and three or (according to a lift now before us) four of his brothers opposed to the Primate and the whole bench of Bishops, whofe opinions, on fuch a fubject, were certainly entitled to particular refpect. We weighed, with all the attention of which we were ca pable, every argument adduced in oppofition to the measure, as detailed in the public prints, but we found them woefully deficient in the balance. We could, indeed, perceive much worldly wisdom, but little religious knowledge; much liberality of fentiment, but little integrity of principle; much zeal for the worthlefs part of the fair fex, but little regard for the prefervation of public morals. This, however, was doubtlefs owing to the inaccuracy of the reporters, who ignorantly mifconceived, or maliciously misrepresented, the arguments of the fpeakers. Be that as it may, we as heartily rejoiced in the triumph of the two firft eftates, the Lords Spiritual and Lords Temporal, as we deeply lamented the failure of the third eftate, of the Realm. It was not merely the rejection of the Bill by the Commons, but the circumstances attending its rejection, and the fpeech which was supposed to influence it, that made us confider it as a public calamity, as a fatal wound to the religious and moral character of the nation. In the course of the debates on this fubject it was faid, falfely no doubt, to have been afferted by fome one, that the Bishops and Judges were not competent to decide on fuch a Bill, as not being poffeffed of that worldly knowledge which was indifpenfibly neceffary to appre ciate its merits. "If knowledge of the world makes man immoral, But if men bred up to the liberal profeffion of the law, and who are almost in the daily habit of trying causes of every denomination, arifing out of the practices, the purfuits, the paffions, and the propenfities of mankind, are not adequate judges of the beft means of reftraining their vices, how the knowledge requifite to form fuch judges is to be acquired, it is difficult to conceive. No one will have the audacity to contend, that it is to be collected at the stews, at the gaming-table, or at any other of those deteftable haunts, at which fashionable profligacy rides triumphant, bidding defiance alike to the mandates of God, and the laws of the realm. Such knowledge can not be poffeffed by titled or untitled adulterers, by titled or untitled pandars, by titled or untitled fornicators, by titled or untitled minif ters to the illicit pleasures of those whom they are bound by every principle that man fhould hold facred, to defend from all contamina tion; nor yet by the titled or untitled profligates who are the partakers of fuch pleasures, and the partners of fuch guilt. No men, we contend on the other hand, are better qualified to form an accur.e opinion on this fubject than our lawyers. We witneffed, with infinite fatisfaction, the manly firmness of the Chief Juftice of the King's Bench, in vindicating the character of the profeffion from the afperfions which were fuppofed to have been caft upon it. This vigilant guardian of the laws, this intrepid champion of the morals of his country, would, no doubt, have extended that firmnefs beyond the precincts of his Court, had there been occafion for its exertion elfewhere; he would, we are perfuaded, have nobly defended the dignified independence of a British Judge from every encroachment; and he would have difdained to account for his conduct, in his judicial' capacity, to any individual or affembly of men, however refpectable, unless he had been legally called upon by the juftice of his country. We congratulate the Bench and the Bar on the spirit displayed on the memorable occafion to which we allude; we truft they will ever preferve it undiminished; with their independence the independence of the nation is intimately connected; and our feeble support shall ever be chearfully and early afforded to fecure them both against every attack. It does not appear to us that the comparative state of the fin of adultery, and of other public vices, at this, and at any former period, could fupply juft grounds for deciding on the expediency or neceffity of a Bill of restraint. The only fair criterion by which the question could be tried was this-Whether or not the fin of adultery prevailed at the prefent moment to fuch a degree as to justify the interpofition of the Legiflature for the purpose of reftraining its progress by additional punishments? No pofitive evidence can be adduced to prove the affirmative of this queftion; its decifion, therefore, muft depend on the perfonal obfervation and knowledge of individuals, as to the ftate of public manners and morals. In the courfe of the debate it was ftrenuously contended, by fome, that immorality had not encreased of late years. That Mr. Sheridan, who fome three years ago pronounced a panegyric on the manners of the age, (in the Houfe of Commons) which he represented as diftinguished for gentleness and amiability; or that a noble Lord, in the other House, who, in an effay that was published foon after, improved upon that panegyric, should strenuously maintain this point, think no reform neceffary, and regulate their votes by fuch opinion, was natu rally to be expected. But never, we infift, was an opinion worfe founded, and never were men lefs competent to decide on fuch a queftion, as it relates to the community at large, than the higher claffes of fociety. Of the increased prevalence of immoral and vicious habits, the public theatres exhibit a damning proof. Twenty years ago a prostitute did not dare to fhew her face in the lower parts of the house; and and if in the upper boxes, to which this defcription of unfortunate women were confined, any tumult or noife were heard, the indignation of the audience, decifively manifefted, either produced inftantaneous quiet, or the expulfion of the offenders. Now, alas! how different is the fcene! the front boxes of the theatres are almoft exclufively devoted to women of the town; the lobbies fwarm with them; they Occupy every part of the house, with the folitary exception of the fide boxes and the firft circle; the rooms intended for the purposes of refreshment are like the fhow-rooms of a bagnio; and it is next to im poffible for a virtuous woman to walk from her box to her carriage without having her eyes offended, and her ears shocked, by the most indecent gestures, and the most obscene language. And in this moft profligate exhibition the young men are as bad as, if not worse than, the women. At a fummer theatre, we have seen the performance abfolutely ftopped by the noise of these male and female prostitutes, and the front boxes rendered the fcene of actions fit only for a brothel. When fuch grofs violations of decency and decorum are publicly tolerated, woeful, indeed, must be the depravity of public manners! If another inftance be wanted let us turn our eyes to the ftreets of the metropolis in an evening. We will not fay that the number of proftitutes which parade them is greater now than at any former period, but certain it is that they are greatly increased in impudence, in de pravity, and in wickedness. When a modeft woman cannot pafs through the streets, under the protection of a brother or a husband, without having her ears affailed with the most horrid blafphemy and obscenity, without being fubject to the moft grofs and abominable infults, we may fairly conclude that the morals of the nation are at a very low ebb indeed. These atrocious circumstances, it is evident, cannot much affect the higher claffes of fociety, whofe carriages screen them from infult; but they are dreadfully felt by the middle claffes, and must have a terrible effect indeed on the lower claffes,* Let us, then, hear no more of the wretched jargon of modern libe rality, unless, indeed, gentleness is to be accepted as a substitute for religion, and amiability as the lawful fucceffor of virtue. And if the ftate of public morals be really fuch as we have stated them to be, have we not too great reafon to conclude, (without having recourfe to the records of Doctors' Commons, or to the ftatute-books, though thefe, we are convinced, would juftify our conclufion) that the fin of adul tery has kept pace with other vices? In fhort, to us it appears evident, that unless fome ftrong and decifive measures be fpeedily adopted for the more effectual repreffion of vice and immorality, unless our legiflators feel the full force of the wife obfervation, Quid valeant leges fine moribus! and regulate their public and their private conduct according ly; unless our magiftrates be invefted with the power, and supplied with the means, of putting an immediate ftop to the flagitious practices that * We refer our readers, for fome excellent reflections on the manners of the age, to a Letter figned CATO, which appeared in the AntiJacobin or Weekly Examiner. P 3 pollute pollute our streets; and the proprietors and frequenters of our places of public refort be made to enforce an obfervance of decency and decorum; unless, in fhort, a general reform take place in the morals and manners of every defcription of people, we can fee not the smallest reafon to hope for our escape from the fame dreadful fate, which the juft vengeance of an offended God has, at different times, inflicted on various nations of the earth, not more degenerate, not more profligate, than our own. Is The ferious reflections naturally suggested by these important confiderations would lead us far to tranfgrefs our bounds; but we must limit ourselves to one other remark on the fin of adultery, and then proceed briefly to notice the different pamphlets which have appeared on the fubject. That adultery is a fin of the deepest dye, the divine prohibition in the decalogue would alone fuffice to demonstrate; but we have further divine authority for afferting that adulterers (if they do not repent, will even be excluded from the kingdom of heaven. it not moft strange, then, that this fin, which, it is acknowledged by all, ftrikes at the root of domeftic happinefs, and confequently thakes the whole fabric of civil fociety, fhould not be found on the long lift of thofe crimes which fwell our penal code to an enormous bulk ? Is it not most extraordinary that, while the man who steals a rabbit from a warren, or a fish from a pond, incurs the penalty of death, that fin against which the Almighty judge of the world has denounced no lefs a punishment than eternal damnation-and who fhall dare to queftion the justice of his difpenfations ?-is deemed, by fome of our legiflators, not of fufficient magnitude to conftitute a misdemeanor! We now refume our capacity of critics, and proceed to the examination of the pamphlets before us. ART XXII. Subftance of the Speeches of his Royal Highness the Duke of Clarence, in the House of Lords, on April 5, May 16, 21, and 23, 1800, against the Divorce Bill. 8vo. Pr. 54 Ridgway. IN reviewing fuch pamphlets as profefs to contain the fubftance of fpeeches delivered in either House of Parliament, the critic labours under peculiar difficulties. Every one knows that there are standing orders of both Houfes which prohibit the printing or publishing of any fuch speeches, and fubject the printer and publisher to fuch punishment as it may be the will of the Houfe whofe orders have been violated to inflict; and yet every one knows, that perfons regularly attend both Houses for the exprefs and avowed purpose of taking the debates with a view to publication. Thus both Houfes not only tolerate but encourage the commiffion of an offence, while the offender is not allowed to plead fuch toleration and encouragement in bar of punishment. Hence, as matters now ftand, a risk is incurred by commenting on fpeeches as fuch, the extent of which is fcarcely defineable. If we have, at any time, a doubt, refpecting the common or statute law |