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a clear and strong manner, his own interpretation of the paffages in queftion; and, by comparing Scripture with Scripture, proves, to our conviction, what he fets out with afferting, viz. "that the difference between the two inspired writers confifts rather in words than in things; rather in fhew and appearance, than in truth and reality, that, while St. Paul afcribes not the juftification of man to faith exclufively of works, St. James imputes it not to works exclufively of faith; but rather, St. Paul, to faith without works of a certain description; and St. James to faith with works inde. finitely; and, therefore, it may be, with works of a different kind from those excluded by St. Paul."

The limits which we are constrained to prescribe to ourselves in the review of the numerous fingle fermons, which come before us, preclude us from entering into a detail of the folid reasoning, on fcriptural grounds, by which the learned Preacher appears to us to have proved the pofitions he has laid down; "that the two Apof tles, when writing of justification by faith or works, have not both the fame end in view, and that they do not mean the fame thing either by faith or by works."

Of a fubject, of fuch vaft importance, both with respect to belief and practice, concerning which so much controverfy hath arifen in the Chriftian Church, and ftill unhappily prevails, we cannot too highly commend Mr. V.'s judicious choice on fuch an occa fion. We fhould do injuftice to the excellent difcourse by making partial extracts from it; and we only discharge our duty in recom mending the perufal of it to our readers; to many of whom Mr. V.'s character, as a found divine, and able writer, is already well known by his "Vindication of the Doctrine of St. John, and the faith of the primitive Church from the charge of Unitarianifm," in a fermon preached before the University of Oxford, and his "Defence and Illuftration of the Doctrine of Atonement," preached at the Bampton Lecture, before the fame Univerfity; in which he long filled, with deserved honour, the important ftation of Tutor of a College.

POLITICS.

ART. XVIII. Speech of the Right Honorable Barry, Lord Yelverton, Chief Baron of his Majefty's Court of Exchequer, in the Houfe of Lords of Ireland, on Saturday, March 22, 1800, in the Debate on the fourth Article of a Legiflative Union between Great Britain and Ireland. Svo. PP. 36. Dublin printed, reprinted for Wright London.

THE

"HE fourth Article of the Union relates to the question of representation, and the object of Lord Yelverton's Speech is to Juftify the ftipulated proportion of Irish reprefentatives in the Amperial parliament. We recommend very ftrongly to all thofe

writers

writers and orators who have fuch a propenfity to recur to firft principles, the obfervations of the learned Lord, on this interefting topic. His Lordship very juftly remarks that property, not population, is, and ever has been, the fubject of representation. He fuccessfully expofes the folly of thofe patriotic declaimers who inceffantly urge the neceffity of an appeal to the people.

"And here give me leave to obferve, that he must have taken a very fuperficial view of our Conftitution, and of its first elements, who could argue that it is the people, merely as fuch, who are reprefented in Parliament, and that therefore the will of the Parliament ought to be determined by theirs; (for fo it has been argued in another place, and I understand with great effect;) and further, that there are certain Acts of Parliament which the people are not bound to obey, if they do not approve of them; a pofition fo monftrous in itself, and fo dangerous in point of example, that it is aftonishing how it could have found its way into an affembly of grave legiflators, whofe very office it is to prefcribe rules of conduft to the people; and to which I fhall not think it necessary to give any other anfwer, than merely to quote the words of Grotius upon the fubject;- Omnia convelli neceffe eft, fi id recipimus, jus rejendi fubditum effe eorum judicio ac voluntati, qui reguntur ;"in other words, that the whole machine of Government must be fhaken to pieces, and mankind reduced again to a state of nature, if we allow, for a moment, that dangerous doctrine, that the fupreme power, which has a right to give the law, is liable to be controlled by the pleasure of thofe whofe duty it is to obey. But there cannot be a greater miftake than to fuppofe, that our Constitution arofe out of any truft or compact between the people and the Parliament; or that the three eftates of the realm took thofe ftations in the political fyftem, which they occupy at this day, according to any previous concert or agreement: our Conftitution has the appearance of being ftruck out at a heat, if I may use the expreffion; but it is in fact the offspring of divine wifdom, acting upon human affairs, and by the flow and filent operation of remote caufes, producing, almoft miraculously, harmony out of difcord, and order out of confufion."

Having traced the origin of Parliament to the feudal fyftem, and marked its progress and its nature, his Lordship thus concludes this head of his argument.

"And thus I hope I have proved that it is not the people, merely as fuch, that are reprefented in Parliament, but only the property of the country, whether that property confifts in real or perional wealth, in corporeal inheritance, or incorporeal fran

chile.

"And this we fee exemplified in the experience of every day, at the election of members to ferve in Parliament for the other Houfe. For if the elector voted from any right inherent in his perfon, he could only make one choice. But this is fo far from being the cafe, that the law allows him as many fuffrages, as he poffelles freeholds or franchises in different counties or boroughs. And

when

when he loses, by judgment of law or otherwife, thofe freeholds or franchises, he lofes his right of fuffrage along with them: whence it neceffarily follows, that it is to the property, and not to the perfon of the elector, that the right of fuffrage is attached.

"And this is what Lord Chatham meant when he afferted, 'That there was not a blade of grass in England which was not reprefented."

To call the confent of the Irish Parliament to an union with England, as many of the learned members of the Irish Bar, and many diftinguished leaders of the Irish oppofition, have repeatedly called it, an act of Political Suicide is, in his Lordfhip's apprehenfion, "rank nonfenfe." His remarks on this fubject are ftrong and pointed, and the whole fpeech is worthy of the respectable perfonage by whom it was delivered.

ART. XIX. Speech of Lord Hawkefbury in the Houfe of Commons, Friday, April 25, 1800, on the Incorporation of the Parliaments of Great Britain and Ireland. 8vo. PP. 34. Wright.

op

THIS Speech was delivered in answer to Mr. Grey, who had pofed the projected proportion of reprefentatives for Ireland, and had made a motion, the object of which was that only 85 members should be received from Ireland, and 40 of the most decayed British boroughs be disfranchifed. Mr. Grey's propofition was certainly the least objectionable of any which had hitherto been offered by the friends of Parliamentary Reform, and the propofed augmentation of the number of members in the Houfe of Commons gave it a comparative merit, if we may fo fay, to which, confidered in the abstract, it would have have had no legitimate pretenfions. In refifting this propofition, Lord Hawkesbury contends that the popular influence has acquired a gradual preponderance fince the revolution, and that the influence of the Crown has diminished in proportion; and that, from the effects of the prefent fyftem, its excellence is evident, and the danger of innovation manifeft. His Lordship calls upon those who talk of reftoring our reprefentation to its original purity, to fix a period, which they mean to be taken as a model of fuch purity; and he retorts upon Mr. Grey in the following very pertinent manner.

"The Honourable Gentleman has ftated, that he fhould have been satisfied with the Conftitution as it fubfifted during the first fifty years of the century; yet during more than twenty of those years, a Ministry were in poffeffion of power, who, whether juftly or not, I will not pretend to fay, have been ftigmatized more than any other, for having introduced a complete fyftem of corruption, and for having increafed the influence of the Crown, to the prejudice of the rights and privileges of this House: and yet this Government was oppofed by the greater part of the Scotch Members, who have been reprefented by the Honourable Gentleman as the univerfal fupporters of all Minifters. It is fingular that the Administra- · tion of Sir Robert Walpole, to which I have alluded, is to this

day

day proverbial for influence and corruption; and this is the period to which the Honourable Gentleman would refer us, as to the golden age of the Conftitution. It should be confidered, however, that the influence of the Crown, whether it be more or less, carries always an antidote along with it. If there are thofe, who may be fuppofed to fupport Government from having places, there are others who may be supposed to oppose it, from having been refused places. Indeed, Sir, if the hiftory of these transactions were known, I believe it would be found, that the proportion of the latter clafs to the former would be much greater than is commonly imagined: I ftate this as one antidote to the influence of the Crown; and if, as the Honourable Gentleman fays, poffeffion and expectation tell for fomething, disappointment furely ought not to be forgotten in the account."

This last observation is as just as it is novel, and we hope it will make a proper impreffion on those in whom fuch an impreffion would be moft likely to produce a good effect.

ART. XX. A Letter to the Farmers and Traders of Ireland, on the
Subject of Union. By a Farmer and Trader. 8vo.
PP. 19.
Dublin printed, London reprinted for J. and T. Carpenter.

1800.

THIS is a plain address from a plain man, who seems to entertain a tolerably correct idea of the prefent ftate of Ireland, and of the best means of melioration and improvement; the concluding pages of the Letter will fuffice to make our readers acquainted with his opinions and his mode of reafoning.

"If the real object be the welfare of our country, and not paltry pride, vain confequence, and imaginary independence, we fhall by Union arrive at what Ireland has ever wanted; a fubftantial yeomanry, not as foldiers, thank God! but as fubftantial and independent farmers: property will be fecured, and rife in value from 18 and 20 years purchase, the prefent rate of the best-circumftanced eftates in Ireland, to 25 and 30 years purchase. Wealthy men will Jay out their money and live among us; we fhall vie with, if not be fuperior to, any little ifland in the univerfe; our country will become the envy of nations, the granary and the garden of Europe. "Let us look at the abstract of this queftion. We lofe, that is, we translate our Parliament to England, where I am firm in the belief we shall meet more real candour and difinterested friendship than at home. We fhall lofe all party and jobbing in Ireland for ever; we shall reconcile and unite all claffes and diftinctions of men, prevent feparation, and join in the common interest of induftry, manufactures, and the useful arts.

"We fhall fecure protection and fupport in our linen and provifion trades; a field is opened in woollens alfo, and to an extent little thought of; we fhall participate and extend with the first trading country in the world, our fifter country, and connect ourfelves to her in the strongest ties for ever. We fhall have our dy

ties and our taxes collected on juft and fair terms, and be eafed of many grievous burdens in our establishments. The well-informed on these subjects, whose writings and calculation it was unavoidable, in some instances, but to touch on, will confider that this is calculated to reconcile the minds and inform the understanding of the middle orders of men, the bulk of the community; that the object is to convince them that Union is our intereft, that it is on fair terms, and that we fhall be gainers by it in the end; that we fhould lay afide all party prejudices and religious diftinctions; agitate these queftions no further, but lay ourselves down to industry, and in God's name follow the advice of St. Paul- Study to be quiet, and mind your own business.'

"I am your real and true friend,

"A FARMER AND TRADER.”

ART. XXI. Subftance of the Speech of Thomas Jones, Esq, F. R. S. F. A. S. and M. P. On his Motion for Peace, made in the Houfe of Commons, May 8, 1800: With a Copy of the Addrefs moved to his Majefty. 8vo. PP. 71. Debrett.

MR. JONES is certainly entitled to full credit for his affirmation" that if, for one moment, I conceived our laws, our liberties, our religion, or one atom of our most glorious conftitution, were in danger, I would not stand up here for the purpose which I do now; but I would fupport the war, and the counfels which conduct it, with the fame zeal, and firmness, and refolution, which I did within these walls, and without them, when I conceived they all really were." But while we laud the integrity of this worthy member, we may be allowed to exprefs our surprise at his want of information, and the ftrangeness of his opinion. JACOBINISM, he afferts, is extinct, of course we have nothing more to dread from it! God forbid fuch an opinion fhould be adopted by the nation; for it would be a certain prefage of its ruin. We fhall ufe no argument to convince Mr. J. that he is miftaken, but content ourselves with referring him to the recent language of Bonaparte, on the re-eftablishment of the Cifalpine Republic.

It is not our intention to comment on the language of this pam phlet, however grofs and unjustifiable fome parts of it unquestionably are, but when Mr. J. affirms that we ought not to try to restore royalty in France, we cannot refrain from entering our folemn protest against fuch very extraordinary doctrine; and when he tells us that he never read any book on the law of nations, that justified such a procedure, we are tempted to exprefs a doubt whether he ever read any book on the law of nations. If he will take the trouble of looking into VATTEL, he will speedily be convinced of his miftake; or, if he prefer a more modern authority, he may confult the Speech of Mr. Fox, on the commotions in Holland, in 1787, where he will find much found doctrine on this point.

We ftrenuously recommend to Mr. Jones to re-perufe his speech with attention, and then calmly to confider whether it became his character,

NO. XXIV, VOG. VI,

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