Eftablished Church; which laws he confiders as neceflary for the protection and fupport of our ecclefiaftical and civil conftitution. He praifes his Majefty for the determination which he has avowed, in this important particular, of adhering to the wife policy of his ancestors, and for pronouncing, in the first inftance, what he properly denominates their "cautionary fentence," Nolumus leges Angliæ mutari. "A determination to preferve the Conftitution as it is, muft ever be allowed, at least, a fafe policy, it is only going on as we have done: but the experiment of an alteration may lead us into mifchiefs, which the innovator himfelf never intended; fuch as no human forefight could predict, and no human ingenuity may ever redrefs. The wifdom of not doing' is, therefore, a wifdom that fhould ever be refpected: it generally is coupled with knowledge, and with experience; and it is fure of this good effect, that it makes a paufe, in which others may have leifure to learn caution and prudence. "To make a true judgment of fuch a defign, as the measure now projected, a little more fhould be known than the fcene which is daily paffing hefore our eyes. We live in an age when there is not much earneftnefs about differences in religious opinions. Whether this is a good or bad fymptom, I will not take upon me to decide; at any rate, we have the benefit of the Tymptom, whatever may be the latent malady; we call it liberality of fentiment, and we compliment ourselves upon the enlightened times, in which we have the happiness to live, when we no longer quarrel about fuch matters as religion; which indicates how much we are advanced beyond our ancestors in all the better endowments of the mind. Such a felf-deception as this, is, I believe, very general; and it is too flattering not to prevail, efpecially among perfons who are bufied only with what is before them, and rarely find leifure to look back upon thofe tranfactions, which employed the time, and engaged the moft anxious thoughts of their lefs difcerning ancestors. A joyous world, fo pleased with itself, finds no difference in the happy perfons who compofe it, though they are of different religious fects. Upon fuch infufficient evidence, men grow into a belief, that any political diftinctions to the prejudice of perfons, who are fo much like themselves, is injurious, and fhould no longer be fuffered, in fuch an improved age. None are fo generous as those who have nothing to give, or who give that upon which they fet no value; it is eafy for thofe to give up a ftruggle about modes of religion who do not themfelves poffefs the fubftance; and those who diflike our form of vernment may be liberal of it at very little expence." go Our readers will perceive that this judicious writer appreciates the fpirit of this degenerate age. That the fupport of the Established Church is farther effential to the existence of that spirit of toleration, which is fo frequently invoked, fo grofsly calumniated, and to much abused, must be evident to every man who will take the trouble to inveftigate her doctrines, and the practice of her true and faithful Sons. But our reflections on this fubject are fortunately fupported by thofe hiftorical facts, which muft banish all doubt from the mind, and inconteftibly prove, that the Eftablished Church is the only one which has either understood or practifed the Chriftian duty of toleration. Indeed, it is poffible, that the indifference which fo unhappily prevails on religious matters may, in a great measure, have been engendered by the too great extent to which toleration has been carried, and which, in many instances, has loft its genuine character and degenerated into encouragement. "We have had three forms of religion in this country, which have each had their time of domination. The Popish had a long reign without a rival, till the reformation produced our prefent church. During the reign of Queen Mary, the old church again obtained a thort afcendency. When the rebel parliamentarians overturned the church of England in Charles the firft's time, they fet up Prefbyterianifm as the governing church. It is in the hiftories of thefe refpective periods, that we are to look for the characters of these three forms of religion; and furely, if the whole period from the beginning of the reign of Henry VIII. to the present time is narrowly examined, it must be confeffed, even our enemies being judges, that the times, when there was moft moderation in the governors, and moft liberty, civil and religious, enjoyed by the governed, were thofe, in which the church of England was the eftablished church. It is invidious and unneceffary to bring together particular inftances, which had better be forgotten; the broad plain refult is known full well. Whatever may be faid of our Proteftant brethren, it is well known that Prefbyterianifm in England has been equally intolerant with Popery, and has only differed, in the manner in which it has fhewn its spirit. Should it be alledged that thefe two religions have fince improved in temper and character, I would answer, that fo have we; and if we were intitled to the afcendency in worse times, much more are we entitled to it in better; and further, that the evidence of our improvement is manifeft in our govern. ment; while theirs, from the nature of their fituation, can have no existence, but in promife and fuppofition. Judging from the experience of what is paft, it would be policy to fupport the afcendency of fuch a church as our own, if it was only to protect the others against one another, and preferve all defcriptions of perfons in the enjoyment of true religion and real liberty. "But this I have faid only incidentally, for it is not upon pleas of merit, nor upon the strongest pretenfions, whether of expediency or neceffity, in a political view, that I mean to argue this queftion; 1 look only to the law and conftitution of the realm, which has grown out of the hiftorical paffages, I have alluded to, and which has impofed upon us a neceffity much more imperious than any which the claimants can pretend, I mean a conflitutional neceffity of keeping Catholics out of all offices, which can poflibly enable them to prejudice the church establishment, if they fhould be fo inclined.” Having fhewn the neceffity and effect of the various laws against Diffenters; Mr. R next proceeds to confider the nature of the Coronation Oath, and particularly of that part of it which binds the King to maintain and preferve the eftablished religion of the country. For his reafoning on this head of the fubject we muft refer our readers to the tract itself. The following juft inference is drawn from that reafoning and the facts on which it is founded. I think, therefore, I am warranted in concluding from the wording, and fair conftruction of the whole, when compared together, that this clause lays upon the King an obligation to watch over any laws, that may be proposed to him by his Parliament, for alteration in church matters, with more confcientious folicitude, than he exercises on other occafions of legislation. In fact, the claufe was fo understood at the time; for, it appears, when it was under debate in the Houfe of Commons, there was an amendment propofed, that instead of religion established by Law, it should be worded, AS SHALL BE eftablished by law; in order, fay they who argued in fupport of this amendment, that the King may not be restrained by this Oath, from confenting to the alterations, which it was then in contemplation to make, for tolerating Proteftant Diffenters, in the free exercife of their religion: those however, who were for the original motion, feem to have confidered this point as fufficiently faved to the King, by the wording as it stood, and the amendment was accordingly thrown out. (See Grey's Debates, March 28, 1689.) "I think, then, I am fully warranted, as well by the letter of the claufe, as this hiftory of its formation, to conclude, that its object was to bind the King, in the article of legiflation, to maintain the church as eftablished by law, at the time of his taking the Qath, and not merely to direct him in the execution of laws when made; though, I think, the words would not have their full force, and the evident design of the framers would be materially difappointed, if the Qath was not conftrued to comprehend every exercife of the royal function, where the interefts of the church may be concerned." Mr. Reeves makes a very proper diftinction between the effect of the Coronation Qath on the King's conduct refpecting the fecular affairs of the ftate, and its effect on it in ecclefiaftical matters. "But it is different with regard to religion, and the Church; in these concerns, he may be more competent than any fubject in his dominions, and may fafely become his own privy counfellor. Who fhould know fo well as himfelf what influence it would have upon the interefts of the Church, if his counfels were governed by Popish Officers of State, or by a Parliament po-pifhly inclined? Surely he can judge as clearly as any of his advifers, what is likely to be the confequence, if the ancient endowments of the Church, which give the clergy a ftation and confequence in the country, were converted into funded property; and who fo fit as the head of the Church to interpofe, and prevent fuch perverfion of a venerable eftablishment? Whoever fits on the British Throne will always be able to judge for himself in these affairs of the Church, and difcharge his duty of guardian to it, not only with a good confcience, but with a good understanding alfo." The author nexts adverts to the extreme jealoufy and caution difplayed by the English and Scottish parliaments, at the time of the union between the two kingdoms, in providing for the fecurity and permanence of their refpective ecclefiaftical establishments, Nor is it eafy to conceive terms more expreffive, forcible, and binding, than thofe ufed, for the fame purpofes in the late act for uniting the kingdom of Ireland with that of Great Britain. That it be the fifth article of Union, that the churches of England and Ireland, Ireland, as now eftablished, be united into one Proteftant Epifcopal Church, to be called The United Church of England and Ireland; and that the doc, trine, worship, difcipline, and government of the faid united church fhall be, and fhall remain in full force FOR EVER, as the fame are now by law eftablished for the church of England, and that the continuance and prefervation of the faid united church, as the established church of England and Ireland, fhall be deemed and taken to be an effential and fundamental part of the Union, and that in like manner, the doctrine, worship, difcipline, and government of the church of Scotland fhall remain and be preferved, as the fame are now established by law, and by the acts for the Union of the two kingdoms of England and Scotland." Stat. 40. Geo. 3. ch. 67. "From thefe exprefs and fucceffive declarations of parliament in favour of our established Proteftant Church, we may collect, that it was intended thereby to close for ever the debate with the Church of Rome. The highest authorities in the ftate feem, upon thefe occafions, to have paffed, as it were, Finalis Concordia, which should fecure us and our heirs for ever in the quiet poffeffion of our religious rights and privileges, and fhould for ever bar the Romish Church of all claim or pretenfion to be admitted into any lot or part in our eftablishment. Our established Religion was thereby placed among the Pada conventa regni, never to be changed. But where is the guarantee for this perpetuity, which of itfelf is mere words, and is liable to be cut off in every Seffion of Parliament? It is in the Crown, and in every fucceffive Monarch, who wears it; who at ́his Coronation takes an oath to maintain inviolably this eftablishment to the utmost of his power, in the state in which be found it at his acceffion to the throne. This facred truft remains with the king alone; our ancestors have depofited it, where, they believed, would ever be found, to the latest time, Truth and Honour, Firmnefs and MagBanimity, to preferve it. "The King is thus made more peculiarly the guardian of the Church, than he is of the State; and happily, he can completely execute this office by himfelf, without the aid of the many advifers who are necefiary towards the conduct of civil affairs, The Church wants only to be preferved-to be kept as it is-which is effectually obtained, when the Monarch fets himself against innovation. The Church covets no augmentation; needs no fpeculating, none of the contrivances of finance, to fofter and fuppport it; it is not an enterprizing protector, full of refources and expedicnts, that the Church either feeks or wants; let her enjoy what he has, and then the expectations of our ancestors, and her own, will be equally fatisfied. It was from a conviction, that the Church Establishment was made as complete as it was well capable of being, that our forefathers came to the refolution of clofing the queftion of improvement, and thought they did fufficient, when they only ftipulated with the Crown for maintaining it, as then eftablished by law. At the time when the Church was in her maturity, Trade, Commerce, and Navigation were only in their infancy; thefe had every thing to gain, and little to lofe; and to have put them under a like protection with the Church, would have been to flint them in their growth. Thefe objects, therefore, are left at large, for the advifers of the Crown to alter and model, from time to time, as temporary circumftances happen to fuggeft or require. The concerns of the Church have long been ftationary; they require no improvement, they only expect protection. "When our ancestors came to the refolution of declaring, that the Pro teftant teftant Churches of England and Scotland fhould endure for ever, they certainly meant to extinguifh all hopes of the Papifts to be admitted into the Civil Government; becaufe it had been feen, that, under a government popifhly inclined, there could be no fafety for a Proteftant Church. King James had made this experiment; and he endeavoured to colour it, by declaring, in the famous inftrument, which was the immediate caufe of his lofing the Crown, that he had brought Papifts to his Privy Council for the purpose of promoting a brotherhood of affection, and a conciliation of religious differences.' It It was not till after the fad experience of the evils attendant upon fuch contests, as Proteftantifm was forced to fuftain with Popery, that our anceftors thought it wife to extinguish all fuch warfare by the meafures which have just been mentioned. In private difcuffions, there must be an end of debating upon firf principles; in national concerns alfo, there are certain fundamentals that ought to be finally agreed, and no longer brought into queftion. This is one of thofe fundamentals; it appears, from the above-mentioned Acts, that the Proteftant Churches of England, and Ireland, and Scotland, are of the effence of the Union, and that they are to continue unalterably for ever. "If the Church of England is to continue for ever, as a fundamental part of our Constitution, there can be little doubt, in what ftate and condition it ought to continue. To maintain it in mere exiftence, with little more than the form and the name, His Majefty will never think is maintaining it to the utmost of his power. To be a Church, as eftablished by law, it must be in peace and in honour; protected not only from actual encroachment, but from the danger of it; without, fears or jealoufies: not trembling for its ordinances, or crouching for the fecurity of its rights and privileges. Yet fuch was the ftate of the Church, even with the law on its fide, when King James took Papifts into his Privy Council contrary to law; and who can doubt of the like confequences, when the law fhall directly authorize Papifts to fit with Proteftants in the national councils, for the alleged purpofe of once more promoting a brotherhood of affection, and a conciliation of religious differences. In proportion as the Church of England loft its confequence under fuch a change, the Romish would rife; and, in time, there would become an equality and full participation of rights and privileges. No fuch confequences, I dare vouch, are apprehended, much lefs intended, by the promoters of this generous fcheme of comprehenfion; and yet they are much more probable than any of the happy effects which are imagined to refult from it, because there is example for the one, and none for the other." The cautionary reflection with which Mr. R. concludes this valuable tract, is entitled to particular attention. "There is fomething fatal in this fpeculation for a conciliation of religious differences.' It loft King James his Crown; and it has now removed from his Majefty's councils an administration which has long enjoyed the confidence bath of King and People, and whofe talents and experience were the principal reliance of the nation for conducting us through our prefent arduous conteft. But, great as they are, there is fomething till more valuable to us-our laws and our fiberties, civil and religious. We all feel, that these are intimately connected with the Church of England; and we shall not think that Church any longer herfelf, than while the remains entire, the fole reigning |