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victorious soldiers ; and in the evening the city surrendered, without any terms but a mere gratuitous promise of protection for the persons and

property of the citizens. A tree of liberty was soon after planted in the presence of Gen. Brune. Frisching, although president of a new provisionary regency, yet a filent mourner over the calamities of his country, officiated at the inauguration. There,' fuid he, addressing the French General, there is your tree of liberty: may it bring forth wholesome fruit.'

“ About noon, when all hopes were relinquished by the terrified regents, they difpatched the fatal order to the divisions at Neweneck and Gümminen to abstain from all farther hoftilities. Some of these brave, and, on that very day, victorious, men, tret reated to the city, and others bent their way towards their homes in the Oberland. The latter, - frantic with rage and despair, fell upon their officers, slew their two Adjutant-Generals, Croalay and Gumoens, and throughout the evening an epaulette was considered as a death-warrant. Among these leaders were also Șteiguer and Erlach. The former, in disguise, and amidit intoxicated soldiers, peasants, and even parties of light troops of the enemy, reached the lake of Thun on foot. Extreme laflitude compelled him to seat himself on the trunk of a tree, and there he slept awhile. He then found means to cross the lake, and, still un, known, escaped the frenzy of the enraged villagers, and reached at Jength the canton of Underwalden ; but he did not think himself secure until he entered the gates of the Austrian town of Bregenz.

“ The fate of the unhappy Erlach was still less propitious, unless indeed he would have deemed it a calamity to survive the downfall of his country. A considerable number of arms, fome artillery, and ample stores of ammunition and provisions, together with a treasure of about 1,60,000l. fterling, had, early, in this year, been sent into the impregnable retreats of Halli and the Oberland, as a depot in case of emergency. Thither Erlach resolved to speed his way, ftill · hoping that he might collect a force sufficient to preserve some remnants of the now shattered republic. Being arrived at Musingen, about midway, between Berne and Thun, he was recognized by some ftraggling foldiers, whọ immediately seized, tied, and placed him on a cart, meaning to convey him to Berne : but another party of infuriated foldiers and peasants soon after met the escort, fell upon the unhappy victim, and amid horrid screams and execrations, ftruck him with their hatchets, and bayonets, and dispatched him. His wretched widow escaped a similar fate merely by a ftupor, which for a time bereaved her of her senses. She took refuge in a solitude, at the upper extremity of the lake of Thun. The affasins having, on the following day, been interrogated concerning the motives of this atrocious deed, owned that some Frenchmen had shewn them letters which they assured them came from Erlach, in which he promised to betray his country, and to facilitate the defeat of his army. Mr. Mallet du Pan asserts this fact on indubitable authority, and at the same time records

many instances of the devoted heroism of individuals, and ef. pecially of women and young girls, who fell in the several encounters,

A senator

A senator blew out his brains rather than survive the frredom of his country ; and upon the whole nothing appears more evident, than that the fall of the Confederacy can by no means be ascribed to the degeneracy of the people."

The reduced and deplorable state of conquered Switzerland is thus ably deseribed by B. Zeltner in an official note :

“ The minister plenipotentiary of the Helvetic republic fulfils the first and most pleating of the duties imposed on him by his constituents, in testifying to the Great Nation, and to its constituted authorities, their gratitude for the benefit conferred on them, of a conftitution founded on the principles of liberty and equal rights. Could the Helvetian republicans have recovered their indefeasible rights without being deprived of all the means of enjoying them, the gratitude they now profess would know no bounds.

• Intimately connected with the French nation during many centuries, by all the ties of mutual esteem, by the intercourse of commerce,

and treaties founded upon reciprocal advantages, the Helvetis people would with rapture still be its faithful ally, its friend, and its admirer, did not too many sufferings attend their political regene, ration. Is it then written in the book of destiny, that the noble gift of freedom must be purchased at the price of every kind of oppression which can affict a people?'

“ These sufferings and these oppressions he next paints in colours which must excite compassion, if not horror. • When, in conferring freedom on a people,' he continues, you clothe it in the rags of inisery; when you compel it to exchange its gay and genuine felicity for gloomy dejectedness, and all manner of vexation; when the husbandman foregoes his plough, and the artist both his work and implements; when the virtuous and peaceful citizen is stript of his property, and all his rights are trampled upon, you have, O Great. Nation! you have mified your aim. England triumphs.

• They are not empty declamations, not vague alarms, which the Helvetic Minister here lays before you. He undertook the solemia obligation to tear alunder an odious veil. He will fulfil his duty with the frankness and fimplicity that has always been the charact teristic of the nation he represents; and with a heart that beats only for liberty, he will adduce facts, and establish them upon incontesti. ble evidence,'

“ After specifying more particularly some of the most atrocious cruel. ties practised by the French substitutes, the Minifter proceeds: The consequences of so irritating a conduct against a people, not distracted by pleasures, nor to be awed by fear, though it may be guided by gentle means, are indeed alarming. It is exceedingly impolitic not to Kudy their character more attentively. This brave, but headstrong people, adhere firmly to their religion, to their demecracy, and to Their ancient manners. Whatever bears the semblance of infidelity or outrage, revolts their honest minds, and fills them with indignation. When they have nothing more to lcfs, when urged by despair,

they

they will yield themselves up to every excess; and Helvetia may be come the theatre of scenes far more horrible than those of the Vendec. The writer trembles in using this language, but it is his duty to use it. Not to reveal the whole truth to the French Directory, were an unpardonable offence.'

“ The nature of the grievances he complains of may be gathered from the articles of redress he demands in the name of his republic. These were, the replacing of all the public funds, which had been seized and carried away: a repeal of the contributions laid on without the least retrospect to the abilities of the contributors; the return of the artillery, arms, ammunition, and, in a word, all that the French had purloined from the Swiss ; an immediate reduction of the French armý in Swifferland, especially the cavalry, and that what remained should be quartered in barracks; and lastly, that the agents of the French republic, as well as the commanders of the French troops, Mould be inItructed to concert their measures with the Helvetic government, tó act only in its name, and with its approbation."

This History of the Rise and Fall of the Helvetic Confeder facy is peculiarly interesting from the well known virtues of the people whom it celebrates, and the recent calamities which they have endured. The author has done himself great credit in having, in fo comparatively short a time, and when events were fo recent, produced a work which will form a va. luable addition to the historic library; and exhibit a lasting monument of the distinguished abilities, patient investigation, genuine patriotism, and fincere piety, of its author.

Refle&tions on the Political and Moral State of Society at the Close

of the Eighteenth century. By John Bowles, Esq. Author of Reflections on the Political State of Society, at the Commencement of the Year 1800, &c. &c. 8vo. Pp. 270.

55. Rivingtons. 1800. MR.

R. BOWLES, whose writings are well known to the

public, has here entered upon a vast field of moral and political disquisition, in which facts, of the most important and interesting nature, abound, to direct the steps, and to inform the mind, of the author. From these facts he has accordingly drawn deductions of the utmost consequence to the present well-being, and the future fate of society; as well as to the present and future happiness and welfare of the individuals of which it is composed. He first enters into a deliberate investigation of the motives which actuated both parties, in

he offer and rejection of the late overtures for peace, by the French Consul and the British Minister ; he closely examines the nature, and the object of Buonaparte's propositions, and

he

he clearly shews that they could not have been accepted by a British Minister, without a scandalous dereliction of principle and violation of duty; and therefore fairly concludes, that the offer was infincere, and only made from the conviction that it would not be accepted. The author's chain of reasoning on this point is close, connected, and conclusive; his facts are undeniable, and his inferences are such as partizans may deny, but as no honest man can reject. In a note to P. 24, he successfully combats and exposes a ridiculous idea, promulgated by men, who found themselves overpowered by the cogency of the arguments adduced by their adversaries, that no man can from pure, disinterested, and honourable motives, support the cause of Religion, regular Governments, and focial Order He contends, as another writer had contended before him,* that men who advance such preposterous notions, must reason from the selfishness of their own minds; from an unwillingness to allow to others a degree of integrity which they are conscious of not possessing themselves. Mr. B. very properly afferts his own independence, and vindicates the freedom of his opinions. From the confeffions of Messrs. Fox and Erskine, in England, and of the partisans of the laft new Government in France, he proves the inevitable tendency of the French Revolution, to excite uneasiness, and to shake the very foundations of Civil Society in every nation of Europe. After quoting passages from recent speeches of the gentlemen just mentioned, he subjoins the following pertinent observation and apposite fact.

“ The above admissions, however striking, are very far from cona veying an adequate idea of the danger to which all countries were bes times exposed by the French Revolution ; for they are filent respecting one great source of that danger, the system of universal subversion which was adopted by the French Revolutionists, and their unceasing endeavours, by public declarations and by private machinations, to excite every people under Heaven to revolt against their government. These attempts are now universally known, but it may not be amiss to quote, in illustration of the truth, which was betimes avowed by the Republicans of France--that they embraced the whole world in their fyftem of fraternity, a song with which they amused themselves in the year 1792 :

« Nous irons voir dans la Turquie
Le disciple de Mahomet;
Il faut qu'il soit de la partie,
Nous lui dirons notre secret :

.

See Gifford's Second Letter to Erskine,

S'il

Sil prete fon ferment civique,
Et s'il renonce a l'Alcoran,
Nous lui donnerons, au lieu d'un Turban,

Le Bonnet de la Republique.' After perusing these early effufions of French Republicanism, the surprise which has been excited by the exhibition of such characters as Ali Buonaparte and Abdallah Menou, must be considerably di. minished.”

On the other hand, the author comments, with great, but merited, severity, on the strange and preposterous declaration of Mr. Fox, that as we had not refused to treat with the lawful Monarchs of France, who had always been our rivals and our enemies, so ought we not to refuse to treat with their Republican imitators. This leads Mr. B. to consider and to display the fundamental difference between the present and all former wars, and between the Social and the Revolutionary fyftem.

So diametrically opposite are these systems, that light and darkness, good and evil, do not exhibit a greater contrast. The latter, which is properly termed the Sacial system, is founded upon religion, morality, and law. Its tendency is to restrain the passions and controul the vices of mankind, and to courteract the evil propensities of human nature. It endeavours to regulate the conduct of individuals by the rules of virtue. It prescribes to states, in their mutual intercourse, the observance of equity, good faith, and moderation. Its objects, in short, are order, justice, peace, security, and the protec. tion of all the blessings, which constitute the happiness of human life. On the other hand, the Revolutionary system tends to the subversion of religion, morality, and law, the ancient foundations of society. In. ftead of correcting or controuling, it gives a full scope to human depravity. It releases the passions from all restraint, and encourages both individuals and states to disregard every rule, which has been wont to keep them within the bounds of rectitude or moderation. It is incorporated with a new scheme of philosophy, of which the tendency is to corrupt the heart, and to dry up the very sources of vir. tue. Its object, in short, is to dissolve bands of society, and to' introduce discord, oppression, licentiousness, and anarchy.

It is true, the Social system cannot prevent the commission of great crimes; it cannot entirely restrain, either individuals or ftates, from acting injuriously and Aagitiously. While man is an imperfect being, subject to paffion, and exposed to temptation, he will, at times, be a disgrace to his fpecies, and a just object of divine and human vengeance. But this system, though it cannot render him perfect, has « hitherto confined his depravity within such bounds as are essential, not merely to the existence, but to the general well-being of society. It operates as a never-ceasing check upon human wickedness.

It places Ieligion, morality, law, habit, opinion, disgrace, in short, the whole

force

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