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best judges of his situation; and it was remarkable that Dr. Warren and sir George Baker were the least confident of a cure, and the other doctors had much greater hopes; but Dr. Willis, who at tended his Majesty more than any of the others, was more sanguine than them all. Sir Lucas Pepys stated circumstances which did not amount to a certainty of a cure, but which proved an abatement of his Majesty's disorder. Dr. Willis was of opinion that all the symptoms since the time of the last examination, were more favourable. In a word, all the physicians agreed in the probability of his Majesty's recovery, and that the length of the time had made no unfavourable changes: those, too, who understood the disorder best, thought it more favourable.

if an impropriety of transaction like that was imputed, he would not believe it till it was distinctly ventural to be said, and when he used the term venture, he did not mean to use it with regard to the exalted station of the person in question, but with regard to the transaction itself; nor did he (he repeated it) believe that any man would venture to charge blame of any kind on the respectable personage in question, who had lived for almost thirty years in this country without traduction, a pattern of the most unexampled affection, domestic tenderness and virtue; against whom the breath of calumny had not dared to send forth even a whisper; and who could not merit it at a moment, when visited by a calamity which rarely befals a private person, but which surely was not a little aggravated when it becomes the lot of the family of a person in so exalted a rank as the sovereign of the country. As to the fact itself, it appeared that Dr. Warren allowed that apparent circumstances of an amendment began to appear; and there was, in consequence, a wish on the part of her Majesty that the report might be such as should give the public the most favourable account of his Majesty's health; but would any man prove that any undue influence had been used for that purpose? Mr. Pitt explained in what manner the words" a comfortable way," had been introduced into the report, and then spoke of Dr. Willis, declaring that he was known in the country where he lived, by his character, and by the happiness which he had been the means of giving to the numerous families who were bound to bless him for the good effects of his skill. He mentioned another physician whose character was likewise high, but declared that if he wished to draw a true conclusion of his Majesty's state of health, and prospect of recovery he would wish to draw it from Dr. Willis more than from any other physician.

For his own part, he wished not to go at length in to the particulars of the last report, on which the Committee might safely rely, as there were those on the Committee who were anxious to sift, with the most scrupulous accuracy, every point likely to prove his Majesty's recovery. There had been those who gave no considerable degree of credit to Dr. Willis; if, therefore, any observations should arise from them, he conceived that they would be made in the same spirit, and with the same ability, as when they were urged in the Committee above stairs. Upon this occasion, he felt it but common justice to commend the skill, integrity, and good sense of Dr. Willis, which were evinced under a severe cross-examination, calculated to puzzle simplicity, and leave the coolness which should, of necessity, accompany the delivery of evidence, too unguarded. However it might suit with the political intrigue of the times, or be convenient to circulate them at present in London and its environs, he would not anticipate the remarks which might be made; but, if there were any, such remarks to be advanced, he desired, if they chose to discuss the credit of either this or that physician, At length, Mr. Pitt adverted to the that they might understand the nature of situation for which they were to provide, the imputation. In the course of the and this situation was no less than the cesinquiry above stairs, a circumstance had sation of the personal exercise of the roycome out, over which he would not draw al authority: a deficiency for which no a veil of delicacy, as he was not ashamed previous provision had been made. As to bring it forward. If it be stated to the cause of deficiency, he had every reathe discredit of any physician, that he had son to think, would prove but temporary, submitted to be unduly influenced by a they must deliberately consider what were great personage, let the committee know the cases for which they were to apply a to what physician the imputation of having remedy. The first object for which they consented to give an untrue account of had to provide, was to secure the estathe state of his Majesty's health applied:blishment of a government in the country,

vest all the powers in one person? He laid particular stress on the Regency bill in the reign of George 2, and observed, that there appeared at that time to have been a wish on both sides of the House to doubt what confidence should be placed in the regent. They were afraid of making a precedent, and therefore they gave the royal powers among many, appointing a council, without whose consent the regent could take no important step whatever. The will of the predecessor was, by one of the bills, to be the system followed, while the heir apparent continued a minor;-a principle which he owned he thought went too far, although it was a plausible principle, and was apparently most applicable to the present case. After reasoning upon the three different precedents, and touching upon the short protectorate of Richard 3, and the other protectorates or guardianships in the early periods of our history, and endeavouring to demonstrate by argument, that as, in no preceding instance, all the powers of royalty were given to one person, so, in the present instance, which certainly differed most essentially, they ought not to be, nor could they be, trusted in the hands of one person, without proving a hazardous, and, possibly, a pre

equal to its safety and the dispatch of public business. Out of the nature of such a provision another duty arose, of equal importance to the other: and this was, to take care that the measure embraced did not go beyond the necessity of the case. The Committee were to provide powers for the exercise of the government, and they must take care to place those powers in proper hands; but, above all things, to recollect that they were not placing a king on the throne. They were to remember that the throne was full, that no right any where existed to exercise the royal authority, but that which was conferred by that House; they were to take care to provide against any embarrassment in the resumption of the regal authority, whenever God, in his providence, should permit the rightful holder again to exercise it. They were to provide only for the necessity of the case, and not to exceed it; and therefore the measures which he should propose, would be to invest his royal highness the Prince of Wales with the whole royal authority, to be exercised in the name, and on the behalf of his Majesty, under such limitations and restrictions only as should be provided. The principle was not new, although the circumstances of the case happened to be unpre-judicial experiment, he declared that he cedented. No man would say, that the same power which the principle exercised ought to be given to the delegate; and if the House referred to precedents, they would find that no one instance could be met with of the whole of the royal prerogatives having been so delegated. On the contrary every precedent which bore the smallest analogy to the present situation, evinced the direct contrary, and that doubtless, with a view to facilitate and insure the resignation of the delegate, when the principle should be competent to exercise or to resume his authority. Referring them to the Act of Queen Anne (the Act of Succession), the Regency Act of George 2, and the Regency Act of the present King, Mr. Pitt added, let them look to the case of a sovereign disabled by infancy. Was the regent of the country invested with full and unlimited power to exercise the royal authority? Undoubtedly not. In the three regency bills in the statute books to which he adverted, were there not limitations? There were in every one. All the powers might be given, but then they were not given to one person. What was the principle in a case of minority? It was thought unsafe to

would give his vote for investing the Regent with all the powers which are necessary, but would not agree to give any which were not requisite to carry on the government of the country with energy and effect.

Mr. Pitt now observed, that he need not trouble the House with his first reso lution, as he had already stated its substance and effect. The second resolution (which he read) was, to restrain the Regent from exercising one branch of the prerogative peculiarly inherent in the Crown, and this was, the power of granting peerages, excepting to his Majesty's sons, being twenty-one years of age. This restriction he thought necessary, as the Regent ought not to confer any grant which might produce difficulties and embarrassments, when the happy hour of his Majesty's restoration to his health should arrive. The object of investing the Crown with the power of creating peers was, to enable the Sovereign to distribute rewards to eminent merit, and to give the Crown the means of choosing persons who should add to the number of one of the branches of the legislature. The creation of peers was one of those powers which belonged

personally to the King. When he made this assertion, he scarcely meant to inculcate that it was the individual right of the King to create peers, but that it was an especial prerogative of the Crown. He enumerated the grounds on which he conceived that the Crown might exercise the privilege of making peers, and described what he regarded as the inconveniences which might follow from the regent having the power to make peers, contending it was possible that the consequence of the House of Lords might be lost, the system of the country overturned, and the government end in a pure monarchy, an aristocracy, an oligarchy, or some resource equally distant from our present constitution. He desired, if he failed to enumerate any particulars connected with any part of the subject, to have them pointed out to him. He reasoned upon the sort of effect which (as he supposed) might arise from depriving the regent of the power of creating peers, merely for a time, observing, that surely it would not be contended, that for want of such an incentive for a few months, the country was likely to be deprived of the service of men of merit. If his Majesty recovered, as they all hoped, and had reason to expect he would, the power of creating peers might be exercised by the rightful holder of the prerogative; but if unfortunately his Majesty should grow worse, and be pronounced not likely to recover for a long time, Parliament would have it in its power to take off the restriction, and vest the Regent with a power which, though not at present, he was ready to admit might in time become necessary to the carrying on of a powerful government. He mentioned the fluctuation of wealth and property in the country, and the propriety of occasionally raising monied men to the peerage, in order to give the landed interest its fair balance and share of the honours in the power of the Crown to bestow. He alluded also to the sort of hands into which the conduct of public affairs was likely to fall, and said that unless they had reason to expect a desperate confederacy and cabal to obstruct the public measures, he saw no sort of inconvenience which could result from a temporary withholding from the Regent the power of making peers. As an abuse of the prerogative of making peers, he urged the possibility of such another confederacy and cabal forming (as had been convicted of a design to

overthrow the constitution a few years since), who might give the Regent advice which the Crown would probably have rejected, and such a number of peers might be created, as might considerably embarrass the Crown in carrying on the government, when his Majesty should be restored to his health. For his own part he meant to make no professions, but he desired that what he was going to say might be considered as the test of his future conduct; and, he declared, that he should not be found an opposer of the just and wise measures of the new government, which would remain to be discussed hereafter. He urged other arguments in the attempt to prove that the withholding of the power of making peers for a time was what they owed to the real interests of the country and the true sovereign; that it could not become prejudicial to the Regent's government; and if it should threaten to grow detrimental, they would have the remedy in their own bands; a principle which was coupled with that of doing nothing beyond the real necessity of the case. At the first view, the principles which he had laid down might be sup-. posed not to confine themselves merely to one branch of the legislature, and it could be contended, that as the present House of Commons had proved themselves so loyal to their sovereign, and attentive to the interests of his people, his Majesty would be happy to receive the congratulations of the same House of Commons on his recovery; but a little more consideration would show, that this would perhaps be reserving from the people an opportunity of showing their sense of the conduct of their representatives; and no danger could accrue to, the sovereign in sending them back to their constituents, if the Regent should deem it wise or proper to embrace the measure, especially to a people whose loyalty had been so conspicuously mani fested by the general and heartfelt sorrow expressed throughout the kingdom in consequence of his Majesty's melancholy situation and illness.

He now read the third resolution, which was a restriction preventing the Regent from allowing any grant, patent, place, reversion, or annuity for life, excepting in particular unavoidable cases, such as to judges, and others. As this resolution ran so much upon the principle of the preceding one, Mr. Pitt said that it' was unnecessary for him to go into farther

explanation of it. The fourth resolution | subjects had taken advantage of his morestrained the Regent from exercising mentary absence of mind, and changed any power over the personal property of them, he flattered himself that no gentlethe King. Mr. Pitt on this occasion ob- man would object to such a mark of atserved, that he scarcely thought it neces- tention being paid to his Majesty. The sary to pass this resolution, as it was not Regent, indeed, was different from the probable that his Royal Highness would King; but at the same time the Regent interfere with his Majesty's personal pro- ought to have a retinue adequate to the perty in his life time; but, as they were importance and the high rank of his staacting upon parliamentary principles, he tion; and he meant to propose that he thought it his duty to submit it to the should have such a retinue, which would Committee. The last resolution would unquestionably be some increase of exbe for entrusting the care of the royal pense to the country; but, as it was unaperson, during his Majesty's illness, where voidably necessary to appoint a regent, it of course all men would be unanimous in was equally necessary to maintain the digagreeing that the royal person ought to nity of the character, and gentlemen would be placed in the guardianship of the not, he conceived, grudge a little expense Queen; and, with this trust, his intention on such an occasion. He recurred again was, to propose to put the whole of his to the power to be lodged in the hands of Majesty's household under the authority the Queen, and urged the necessity of of her Majesty, investing her with full considering the rank of the King, the powers to dismiss and appoint, as she rank of the Prince of Wales, and the rank should think proper. Without being in- of the Queen, who was consort of the sovested with this control, he imagined that vereign, and mother of the Regent. It the Queen could not discharge the impor- was not to be supposed, therefore, that tant trust committed to her care. He the influence arising from the patronage spoke of the officers of high rank in the holden by the Queen, would operate to household, who, though their places might the detriment of the Regent's governjustly draw forth the ambition of men of ment; and surely to conceive as much, the first rank and family in the kingdom, would be equally indecent and improper. were nevertheless only the first menial Mr. Pitt then handed his Resolutions to servants of his Majesty, and actually ne- the Chairman. They were as follow: cessary to direct and superintend the greater part of his Majesty's household. He stated that these officers, such as the Master of the Horse, Lord Chamberlain, Lord Steward, and others, were, by many, thought high officers of state; but the fact was otherwise; they were the menial servants of the Crown, and essential to its dignity and splendor. He argued against new-modelling the royal household, under the present circumstances, and spoke of the anxiety and pain which he conceived it must give his Majesty, to find all those whom he had chosen to be about his royal person discharged. Possibly, his Majesty's illness might continue but a few months, perhaps a few weeks; and, in such a situation, would it, he asked, be delicate and respectful to make a change? Those who were lords of the bed-chamber, he admitted, did no great duty at present, but the equerries were employed. He owned, that this part of the arrangement was a matter of some difficulty; but when he considered what his Majesty would feel, when he waked from his trance of reason, and asked for those attendants, and was told that his [VOL. XXVII.]

1. "That it is the opinion of this Committee, that for the purpose of providing for the exercise of the royal authority, during the continuance of his Majesty's illness, in such manner, and to such extent, as the present circumstances and the urgent concerns of the nation, appear to require, it is expedient that his royal highness the Prince of Wales, being resident within the realm, shall be empowered to exercise and administer the royal authority, according to the laws and constitution of Great Britain, in the name and on the behalf of his Majesty, under the style and title of Regent of the kingdom, and to use, execute, and perform, in the name and on the behalf of his Majesty, all authorities, prerogatives, acts of government, and administration of the same, which belong to the King of this realm, to use, execute, and perform, according to the laws thereof, subject to such limitations and exceptions as shall be provided.

2. "That the power so to be given to his royal highness the Prince of Wales shall not extend to the granting of any rank or dignity of the peerage of the realm to any person whatever, except to [3 P]

his Majesty's royal issue, who shall have attained the full age of twenty-one years. 3. "That the said powers should not extend to the granting of any office whatever in reversion, or to the granting of any office, salary, or pension, for any other term than during his Majesty's pleasure, except such offices as are by law required to be granted for life, or during good behaviour.

4. "That the said powers should not extend to the granting of any part of his Majesty's real or personal estate, except so far as relates to the renewal of leases.

5. "That the care of his Majesty's royal person, during the continuance of his Majesty's illness, should be committed to the Queen's most excellent majesty, and that her Majesty should have power to remove from, and to nominate and appoint such persons, as she shall think proper to the several offices in his Majesty's household, and to dispose, order, and manage, all other matters and things relating to the care of his Majesty's royal person, during the time aforesaid: and that for the better enabling her Majesty to discharge this important trust, it is also expedient that a council should be appointed, to advise and assist her Majesty in the several matters aforesaid, and with power, from time to time, as they may see cause, to examine, upon oath, the physicians and others at tending his Majesty's person, touching the state of his Majesty's health, and all matters relative thereto."

The clerk having read all the resolutions,

Mr. Pitt said, he had not entered fully into an explanation of the last resolution, because, although he had thought it his duty to state it to the Committee, he meant it to be considered as a separate and distinct object, and so to be, at a fit opportunity, debated and discussed. He would farther remark, that it had occurred to him, that in cases of difficulty and embarrassment, on a subject of so delicate a nature, it might prove a comfort to her Majesty's mind to have a council to consult, but it was intended to make it merely a council of advice.

The Chairman having read the first motion,

Mr. Powys declared, that he could not avoid considering the whole system opened by the right hon. gentleman, as a monstrous fabric, tending to mutilate and dismember the constitutional authority of the Crown. When the Committee of Inquiry,

of which he was an unworthy member, first sat, he knew all that was necessary for him to know of his Majesty's situation; he knew that he was incapable of meeting his parliament, or attending to public bu siness; and that, lamentable as his situa tion proved, it was nevertheless accompanied with the hope of his recovery, but the time of that recovery, was declared to be uncertain. What was then the next proceeding? They had voted a resolution, that it was their duty to preserve the royal authority whole and entire. What were they now called upon to perform? To dissolve, separate, and parcel out that royal authority, which they had solemnly resolved to preserve whole and entire. What was the constitutional authority of the Crown? He took it to be an assemblage of all the duties of the kingly office defined by statute. When, and to which of the three estates was assigned the power of bestowing honours? To the Crown; and that power of the Crown was derived from the same source from which that House derived its power. It was an integral part of the power of the people; and, in the very mo ment of their taking from the Crown the power of bestowing honours, the constitution ceased to continue that which was framed by our ancestors. He had been informed, that the political character of the King was entire. Gracious Heaven! was not the political character of the Crown entire! Was it necessary that government should be new-modelled? Were the regal rights inherent in the person of the king, or were they annexed to the office? He had heard, in another place, that there was an infirmity in human nature which naturally attached itself to power; and the person who made this observation, doubtless felt an entire conviction of its truth; but, was that infirmity confined to princes? Was there any thing in the conduct of the heir apparent that warranted a suspicion of his labouring under such an infirmity? Those who harboured a suspicion were bound to prove it. Had he acted he acted improperly during his father's illness? Had he ever attempted, by intrigues or cabal, to wrest the sceptre from the hand of his father? Had he been guilty of high treason? It was not consistent with the liberality of the right hon. gentleman to judge of a man's conduct, in a situation in which he had never been placed. The right hon. gentleman had said, that there might be bad advisers of the Regent. Might there not be bad

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