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appointed. The failure, hitherto, of every attempt to establish an uniform system throughout the United States, an object which this State has long anxiously desired to have accomplished, has nearly extinguished all hope of seeing the subject definitively acted upon in that quarter, and must have produced conviction in every mind, that the States must separately charge themselves with such organization of their own militia, as their circumstances and peculiar views of the value and purposes of the institution may dictate as best. It may not be improper to state, what I am unofficially informed of, that gentlemen, very competent to the undertaking, have been engaged in preparing a plan for a modification of our present system, to be communicated to one of your houses during the present session. It is very desirable that some organization may be suggested, which, without depriving the system of its necessary efficiency, may be satisfactory to the people and consequently permanent.

Every friend of the militia will perceive the necessity of adopting some measures to restore it to that place in public estimation which it has been accustomed to occupy, but which, it cannot be concealed, it is now in some danger of losing.

An extensive and intimate knowledge of the situation and circumstances of the various classes of the community can alone enable us to carry into effect the objects and designs of government. Those who are reduced to a state of helplessness by poverty, misfortune, or want of capacity, are in a peculiar manner the objects of legislative guardianship; and it is our duty to provide all necessary means when within our reach, to meliorate their condition.

Sharing the awakened sympathies of the public, and stimulated perhaps by movements in other States, the last legislature so far acknowl edged the propriety of interposing in behalf of the poor debtor, as to relieve him, in some degree, from the liability to be deprived of his personal liberty. Whether the bill which was passed for the purpose be not capable of some improvement, I will not at present inquire. It should at least be regarded as one step gained, and even if its provisions are not yet all that may be desired, it should be hailed as an omen of future good. For myself, I cannot but hope that it is only the beginning of those measures of relief which the poor debtor so long looked for in vain.

And for that unfortune class of our fellow beings from whom the providence of God has withheld the blessings of hearing and of speech, much has been done, and is now doing, under the patronage of the State. Means, as successful as they are wonderful, are employed to qualify them by a competent knowledge of literature and the useful arts, to acquire for themselves by their own talents and industry, a respectable and sufficient support; and it is found that they can not only be taught to appreciate and enjoy, in a high degree, the pleasures of social and intelligent beings, but are capable of instruction, also, in

the higher attainments of morality and religion. The means now placed at the disposal of the Executive for the education of the indigent Deaf and Dumb, are inadequate to the assistance of all the meritorious applicants for the States' bounty. It is confidently believed that an enlightened and liberal public would justify and sustain the government, should it see fit to extend to a still greater number the benefits of this noble charity.

There is still another class of sufferers, far more deplorably afflicted than any of the present beneficiaries of the State, to alleviate whose wretchedness is an undertaking highly worthy the exercise of legislative wisdom. I feel that no apology need be made, in an age so distinguished for its public and private charities, for calling your attention to a subject which has so much reason and humanity on its side, as a measure for the security and recovery of the lunatic or insane. The legislature of this State has never yet recognized these unfortunate beings as entitled to any special favor from government. The period, indeed, is not very remote, when the insane were thought to be the victims of an incurable and hopeless malady; and before the establishment of suitable hospitals and retreats for their reception, they might justly be considered so. It is well known how delicate and difficult is the task, even under the most advantageous circumstances, of "ministering to a mind diseased." Great tenderness, discretion, temper, unwearied patience, and varied experience in mental affections, are, with other qualifications, indispensable to success. When, therefore, the insane are left, as now, to the insufficient means and incompetent skill of relatives or friends, or, still worse, to the negligence and indifference so often exhibited in the treatment of patients of every kind in town poorhouses, or when they are subjected, as is frequently the case, to the privations and solitude of a gaol, where attention is limited to the mere personal security of the individual, we need not be surprized that a restoration of the mind to a healthy state should so seldom happen. The results of experiments in other States and other countries, are, however, so perfectly well authenticated, and so highly favorable, that no doubt can be now entertained, that lunacy yields as readily to skilful medical treatment and proper regimen, when combined with humane and judicious care and attention, as most of the other diseases incident to mankind. Reports from some of the best conducted retreats in England and the United States show, that of patients received within three months after the first attack, the proportion recovered is more than ninety per cent. Of those admitted after three, and within twelve months from the commencement of the disease, the ratio of recoveries is as twenty-five to forty-five; and when the disease is of more than two years standing, the average of cures is somewhat less than thirty per cent. These statements establish the importance of having, in some convenient part of the State, a place where patients of this deacription can be received, with as little delay as possible after the com

mencement of the disease, and before improper management shall have aggravated its character, and lessened the chances of cure. The slight aberrations of a fine understanding are, without doubt, often exasperated by injudicious treatment, into the worst form of confirmed lunacy. I would not unnecessarily impute blame to any, because the insane are not now better managed, yet there may be some reason to fear, that a true disclosure of their condition, would exhibit instances of suffering from intentional unkindness and neglect, that would surprize and shock every friend of humanity. Without, however, insisting upon what is rather suspected, than known to be true, it is enough for our purpose to be assured, as we are by the testimony of all accurate observers, that the consequences resulting from the misconception of the nature of the disease, and ignorance of the proper mode of treating it, are scarcely less deplorable than the effects of the most criminal misconduct, and that these evils must continue to be experienced so long as the insane are abandoned to the care of uninstructed or irrėsponsible individuals.

The want of more suitable places for their reception, has made it frequently necessary, for the public safety, to imprison the insane like criminals in the common county gaols. I am sure it needs no argument to convince you, how entirely unsuitable and undeserved, is this. species of confinement. The public may indeed, in this way, be secured from danger, but the protection is generally purchased by the sacrifice of the miserable victim. The moment the doors of the prison are closed upon him, all hope of his recovery may be considered as destroyed. Is it just or merciful, to treat thus those, whom law and reason pronounce to be incapable of wrong?

The first step to be taken preparatory to the establishment of a State Lunatic Hospital, and what I would beg leave to recommend for your consideration, is the institution of an enquiry to be made in such manner as you in your wisdom may think proper, to ascertain with as much exactness as practicable, the whole number of insane within the State, distinguishing paupers from others; the number that have been committed to gaol within a given time by authority of court or by their friends or others without the order or sanction of judicial proceedings, and the length of their respective terms of confinement; and to ascertain in like manner, the actual or probable amount of costs of courts and gaolers' fees, and expenses of their support and maintenance in cases of commitment. It would also be desirable, to have as minute information with respect to the present condition and treatment of the insane generally, and the extraordinary charges for taking care of them, as can be obtained without an improper violation of the rights of domestic privacy.

Should the inquiry be faithfully made, it is believed that these unfortunate persons would be found to be so numerous, and their sufferings in the aggregate so great, as to persuade every considerate friend of

his species that something should be done for their relief. They can look for help only to those, whose oficial stations give them the means, as they impose the duty, of watching over and promoting the happiness of all.

Such is the general prosperity of our country, resulting from its unexampled success in almost every branch of industry, and from its pacific and friendly relations with the rest of the world, it would be a matter of regret that a murmur of dissatisfaction, arising from real grievances, should be heard from any quarter. It might at least be supposed, that no speculative differences of sentiment, could make any portion of the citizens of this favored country insensible to the substantial and palpable advantages we all enjoy. This, however, is not the lesson which history or experience teaches us. Neither freedom, nor prosperity, nor both united, bestow any immunity from the occasional violence of political controversy. A perpetual warfare of opinions seems to be inseparable from a free government, and is the price we must expect to pay for our almost unrestrained liberty of thought and speech. An effect, which results so naturally from the form and spirit of our institutions, would scarcely be alluded to, were there not perceptible a more than ordinary disposition, at the present time, to pervert every manifestation of discontent, into a fresh occasion of alarm. The opinions of mankind are so easily influenced by their passions, their prejudices and their interests, that men of the best principles may be expected to divide on all questions of a political character; but the want of truth and candor, and the asperity of feelings, to which controversy never fails to lead, will always be corrected and restrained by the returning good sense of honest minds, when no extraordinary efforts are used to inflame these differences of sentiment for factious purposes. Opposite views of policy must ever continue to

arise out of the mixed and diversified interests embraced in the wide domain of our republic. On a judicious accommodation of conflicting principles, and a just respect for these various interests, depend the harmonious union of the States, and its practical usefulness to the several members of the confederacy.

Our nation had its birth in a magnanimous spirit of compromise ;not a compromise which required, or submitted to, a sacrifice or surrender of the rights of one part for the advantage of the others, but it was accomplished by mutual and reciprocal concessions, and its aim was to guard the weak against the strong, the poor against the rich and powerful, and like our compact of State government, was designed for the common benefit, protection and security of the whole. There can be no fear that the generous spirit which united the fathers of our country, and gave form and strength to our national constitution, will ever cease to be cherished amongst us. Whatever appearances may, for a time, threaten to disturb the happy relations of mutual benefit by which we are connected, no friend of his country can long doubt,

that there is a conservative power in the intelligence, patriotic forbearance, and sound political wisdom of the American people, that will always save them from being disunited or arrayed against each other. Each division of the country will, sooner or later, open its eyes to its true interests, and see that its own prosperity is best secured in the prosperity of the whole. It is consolatory to believe, that amidst all the rivalries of party, and clamours of opposing interests, the wise attachment of the people to the union of the States, and their confidence in the immeasurable superiority of our form of Government to every other, have never for a moment been shaken.

Council Chamber, June 7th, 1832.

On motion of Mr. Harvey of Sutton-

SAMUEL DINSMOOR.

Ordered, That the Clerk procure one thousand printed copies of the message of His Excellency the Governor, and lay the same before the House.

Mr. Putnam of Cornish from the joint committee appointed to nominate a suitable person to officiate as Chaplain to the legislature, made a report accompanied with the following resolution

Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives in General Court convened, That the Rev. Samuel Kelley, of Concord, officiate as Chaplain during the present scssion.

Which was read.

Resolved, That it pass.

Ordered, That the Clerk request the concurrence of the Senate therein.

On motion of Mr. Atwood

Resolved, That a committee be appointed to take into consideration the message of His Excellency the Governor, and that they report the disposition to be made of the several subjects embraced therein.

Ordered, That Messrs. Wilson of Keene, Fenner and Jones of Warner be the Committee.

A Message from the Senate by their Clerk.

"Mr. Speaker-The Senate concur with the House of Representatives in the passage of a resolution appointing the Rev. Samuel Kel-\ ley to officiate as Chaplain during the present session."

On motion of Mr. Wild-

Resolved, That a committee be appointed on the part of the House to join such as the Senate may appoint, to wait on the Rev. Samuel Kelley, and inform him of his appointment as Chaplain, and report thereon.

Ordered, That Messrs. Perkins of Alexandria, Anderson of Dunstable and Knowlton be the committee.

Ordered, That the Clerk inform the Senate thereof, and then the House adjourned.

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