WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS.

EXTRACTS FROM HIS ADDRESS COUNSELLING THE MAINTENANCE OF THE UNION. CONFINEMENT OF THE GENERAL GOVERNMENT TO ITS CONSTILIMITATIONS, AND AVOIDANCE OF RELATIONS

TUTIONAL

WITH FOREIGN POLITICAL AFFAIRS.

(To the People of the United States on His Approaching Retirement from the Presidency.) Here, perhaps, I ought to stop; but a solicitude for your welfare, which cannot end but with my life, and the apprehension of danger natural to that solicitude, urge me, on an occasion like the present, to offer to your solemn contemplation, and to recommend to your frequent review, some sentiments, which are the result of much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation, and which appear to me all-important to the permanency of your felicity as a people. These will be afforded to you with the more freedom, as you can only see in them the disinterested warnings of a parting friend, who can possibly have no personal motive to bias his counsel; nor can I forget, as an encouragement to it, your indulgent reception of my sentiments on a former and not dissimilar occasion.

Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your hearts, no recommendation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attachment,

vou.

PRESERVATION OF THE UNION.

The unity of government, which constitutes you one people, is also now dear to It is justly so; for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independencethe support of your tranquillity at home, your peace abroad, of your safety, of your prosperity, of that very liberty which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee that, from different causes and from different quarters, much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the onviction of this truth; as this Is the point in your political fortress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed-it is of infinite moment that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national union to your collective and individual happiness; that you should cherish a cordial, habitual and immovable attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of the palladium of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can, in any event, be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts.

For this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. Citizens by birth or choice of a common country, that country has a right to concentrate your affections. The name of America, which belongs to you in your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of patriotism, more than any appellation derived from local discriminations. With slight shades of difference, you have the same religion, manners, habits, and political principles. You have, in a common cause, fought and triumphed together; the Independence and liberty you possess are the work of joint counsels and joint efforts, of common dangers, sufferings, and successes,

ENCROACHMENTS BY THE GOVERNMENT.

It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking, In a free country, should inspire caution in those intrusted with its administration, to confine themselves within their respective constitutional spheres, avoiding, in the exercise of the powers of one department, to encroach upon another. The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of government, a real despotism. A just estimate of that love of power, and proneness to abuse it which predominates in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position. The necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of political power, by dividing and distributing it into different depositories, and constituting each the guardian of the public weal, against invasions by the others, has been evinced by experiments, ancient and modern; some of them in our own country, and under our own eyes. To preserve them must be as necessary as to institute them. If, in the opinion of the people, the distribution or modification of the constitutional powers be, in any particular, wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in the way which the Constitution designates. But let there be no change or usurpation; for though this, in one instance, may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which free governments are destroyed. The precedent must always greatly overbalance, in permanent evil, any partial or transient benefit which the use can, at any time, yield.

Observe good faith and justice toward all nations; cultivate peace and harmony with all; religion and morality enjoin this conduct; and can it be that good policy does not equally enjoin it? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and, at no distant period, a great nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can doubt that, in the course of times and things, the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages which might be lost by a steady adherence to it? Can it be that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a nation with its virtue? The experiment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature. Alas! is it rendered impossible by its vices?

ENTANGLEMENTS WITH FOREIGN POWERS.

Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me, fellowcitizens) the jealousy of a free people ought to constantly awake; since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of republican government. But that jealousy to be useful, must be impartial; else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a uefence against it. Excessive artiality for one foreign nation, and excessive dislike for another, cause those whom y actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to vell, and even second, the arts

The Monroe Doctrine.

WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS-Continued.

Real patriots, who may resist the intrigues of the favorite, are liable to become suspected and odlous, while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people, to surrender their interests,

The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations, is, in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as possible. as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop.

Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to impliessentially foreign to our concerns. to pursue a different cate ourselves, by artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities. Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us course. If we remain one people under an efficient government, the period is not far off when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take such cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon, to be an attitude as will when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making scrupulously respected; acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel.

In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope that they will make the strong and lasting impression I could wish; that they will control the usual current of the passions, or prevent our nation from running the course which hitherto has marked the destiny of nations; but if I may even flatter myself that they may be productive of some partial benefit, some occasional good; that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigues, to guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism; this hope will be full recompense for the solicitude for your welfare by which they have GEORGE WASHINGTON. been dictated.

United States, September 17, 1796.

THE MONROE DOCTRINE.

THE Monroe doctrine" was enunciated in the following words in President Monroe's message to Congress December 2, 1823:

**In the discussions to which this interest has given rise, and in the arrangements by which they may terminate, the occasion has been deemed proper for asserting, as a principle in which rights and interests of the United States are involved, that the American continents, by the free and independent We owe it, therefore, to candor and to the condition which they have assumed and maintain, are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any European power. amicable relations existing between the United States and those powers to declare that we should consider any attempt on their part to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety. With the existing colonies or dependencies of any European power we have not interfered and shall not interfere. But with the governments who have declared their independence and maintain it, and whose independence we have, on great consideration and on just principles, acknowledged, we could not view any interposition for the purpose of oppressing them or controlling in any other manner their destiny by any European power in any other light than as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition toward the United States."

Secretary of State Olney in his despatch of July 20, 1895, on the Venezuelan Boundary Dispute, said: "It (the Monroe doctrine) does not establish any general protectorate by the United States over other American States. It does not relieve any American State from its obligations as fixed by international law, nor prevent any European power directly interested from enforcing such obligations or from inflicting merited punishment for the breach of them."

President Roosevelt in a speech in 1902 upon the results of the Spanish-American war, said:

The Monroe doctrine is simply a statement of our very firm belief that the nations now existing on this continent must be left to work out their own destinies among themselves, and that this continent is no longer to be regarded as the colonizing ground of any European power. The one power on the continent that can make the power effective is, of course, ourselves; for in the world as it is, a nation which advances a given doctrine, likely to interfere in any way with other nations, must possess the power to back it up, if it wishes the doctrine to be respected."

The United States Senate on August 2, 1912, adopted the following resolution proposed by Senator Lodge, by a vote of 51 to 4, the negative votes being those of Senators Cummins of Iowa, McCumber of North Dakota, Percy of Mississippi, and Stone of Missouri,

Resolved. That when any harbor or other place in the American Continent is so situated that the occupation thereof for naval or military purposes might threaten the communications or the safety of the United States, the Government of the United States could not see without grave concern the possession of such harbor or other place by any corporation or association which has such a relation to another Government, not American, as to give that Government practical power of control for national purposes."

This action of the Senate grew out of the report that a stretch of territory bordering on Magdalena Bay, Mexico, might be acquired by the subjects of a foreign country, and thus through their control by their own national Government become the base of permanent naval or military occupation. In explanation of the resolution Senator Lodge said: "The declaration rests on a much broader and older ground than the Monroe doctrine. This resolution rests on the generally accepted principle that every nation has a right to protect its own safety; and if it feels that the possession of any given harbor or place is prejudical to its safety, it is its duty and right to intervene." The Senate added that the opening of the Panama Canal gave to Magdalena Bay an importance that it had never before possessed, as the Panama routes pass in front of it.

Not being a joint resolution requiring the concurrence of the House of Representatives and the signature of the President, the resolution adopted as above was an expression of opinion of the Senate only. The other house took no action.

LINCOLN MEMORIAL.

TO COST TWO MILLION DOLLARS.

THE Sixty-first Congress, third session, passed an act, approved February 9, 1911. "to provide & commission to secure plans and designs for a monument or memorial to the memory of Abraham Lincoln." The text of the act is as follows:

Be it enacted by the Sena e and House of Representa ives of the United States of America în Congress assembled, That William H. Taft, Shelby M. Cullom, Joseph G. Cannon, George Peabody Wetmore. Samuel Walker McCall, f H. D. Money, and Champ Clark are hereby created a commission to be known as the Lincoln Memorial Commission, to procure and determine upon a location, plan, and design for a monument or memorial in the city of Washington, District of Columbia, to the memory of Abraham Lincoln, subject to the approval of Congress.

SEC. 2. That in the discharge of its dities hereunder said commission is authorized to employ the services of such artists, sculptors, architects, and others as it shall determine to be necessary, and to avail itself of the services or advice of the Commission of Fine Arts, created by the act approved May 17, 1910.

SEC. 3. That the construction of the monument or memorial, herein and hereby authorized, shall be upon such site as shall be determined by the commission herein created, and approved by Congress, and said construction shall be entered upon as speedily as practicable after the plan and design therefor is determined upon and approved by Congress, and shall be prosecuted to completion, under the direction of said commission and the supervision of the Secretary of War, under a contract or contracts hereby authorized to be entered into by said Secretary in a total sum not exceeding two million dollars.

SEC. 4. That vacancies occurring in the membership of the commission shall be filled by appointment by the President of the United States. By joint resolution, approved February 1, 1913, Congress approved the plan, design and location for the memorial recommended by the commission. The memorial is to be erected in Potomac Park on the axis of the United States Capitol and the Washington Monument, in accordance with plans prepared by Mr. Henry Bacon of New York City.

By Sundry Civil act of March 4, 1913, the sum of $300,000 was appropriated to commence the work of construction, which was begun in the Fall of 1913.

Joseph C. S. Blackburn, former United States Senator from Kentucky, was appointed by President Wilson on February 2, 1914, to fill the vacancy on the commission caused by the death of Mr. Cullom. t Thomas S. Martin, United States Senator from Virginia, was afterward appointed to fill the vacancy on the commission caused by the death of Senator Money.

The foundations of the Memorial are now under construction, and will probably be completed early in 1915. They consist of reinforced concrete piers from 3 feet 6 inches to 4 feet 2 inches in diameter cast in steel cylinders which have been driven to bed rock and two feet into the rock, about fifty feet below the present surface of the ground. The upper foundations will rise 45 feet above the present ground level and will be surrounded by a mound of earth one thousand feet in diameter. Upon these foundations the Memorial proper, a great temple in design, will be erected of white marble.

TELESCOPES.

THERE are two kinds of telescopes, viz., refracting and reflecting. In the former the rays of light are made to converge to a focus by lenses, while in the latter they are made to converge by being reflected from the surface of a slightly concaved, highly polished mirror.

The chief disadvantages of refracting telescopes are the chromatic and spherical aberrations of the lenses: In reflecting telescopes these aberrations can be done away with by using parabolic mirrors, but the great objection to the latter are the many mechanical difficulties that have to be overcome.

Owing to the travelling of the earth in its orbit and revolving about its axis, stars if viewed by a fixed telescope would soon disappear. It is thus necessary that a telescope be mounted so a star will always be in its field. This is accomplished by using an equatorial mounting.

In an equatorial mounting there are two axes, one called the "polar" that is parallel to the axis of the earth, and the other the declination" at right angles to it. Hence, when a star is to be followed, the telescope is clamped in position, and by means of clockwork follows the star so it always remains in view.

The magnifying power of telesco es is generally expressed in diameters, the practical limit of power being 100 diameters per inch of diameter of the telescope. Thus the 36-inch telescope, at the Lick Observatory, may give a magnifying power of 3,600 diameters. But such high power can only be used in a very clear atmosphere, and conse uently most astronomical observations are made at 1,000 diameters.

REFRACTING TELESCOPES.

The largest in the world are in the United States. The one at Yerkes Observatory, Genevs Lake, Wis.. has an object lens 40 Inches in diameter with a focal length of 64 feet. The movable part of the Instrument turning on the polar axis weighs about 12 tons, and the clock 16 tons. Other farge telescopes are the 36-inch at Lick Observatory, Mt. Hamilton, Cal.. where many important astronomical discoveries have been made; the 26-inch at the U. S. Observatory. Washington, D. C.. and the 24-inch belonging to Harvard University. There is a 30-inch refracting telescope at the Allegheny Observatory. Riverview Park, Pa.

Abroad is the 30-inch at the Imperial Observatory, Pulkova (near St. Petersburg), Russia. This telescope has a platform at the lower end of the polar axis, from which observers can readily operate the instrument. The Meudon Observatory (near Paris, France) has a 32-inch, the Potsdam, Prussia, a 31-inch, and the Royal Observatory, at Greenwich, England, a 28-inch. There is a 32inch being installed at the Nicolaleff Observatory of Russia.

REFLECTING TELESCOPES.

One of the most perfect Instruments ever built is at Mt. Wilson Observatory, Pasadena, Cal. The mirror is silver on glass, 60 Inches in diameter, and weighs nearly a ton. The telescope is moved by electric motors in right ascension and declination. An Important feature in this instrument is the different focal lengths that can be obtained. The 60-Inch mirror has a 25-foot focus, but by a suitable arrangement of mirrors it is possible to get focal lengths of 80, 100 and 150 feet. At the same observatory a 100-inch reflector is being constructed. The tube of the telescope, with the mirror at the bottom, will be 43 feet long, and with the mountings will weigh nearly 20 tons. There is a 36-inch reflector at Lick Observatory, Harvard University has a 28-inch and a 60-Inch, and at the Yerkes Observatory is a 24-Inch.

Other notable reflectors are the Lord Rosse, at Birr Castle, Ireland, which has a mirror 72 Inches in diameter of speculum metal and a focal length of 54 feet, a 48-Inch at Melbourne, Australia, a 60-Inch at Ealing, England, a 48-inch at Paris, France. and a 39-inch at Meudon, France. The Dominion Astronomical Observatory has had plans prepared for erecting a 72-inch near Victoria, B. C.

STATS THE SINGLE TAX. 2580094.

THE following statement of the single tax principle was written by Henry George, Sr.: We assert as our fundamental principle the self-evident truth enunciated in the Declaration of American Independence, that all men are created equal and are endowed by their Creator with certain Inalienable rights. We hold that all men are equally entitled to the use and enjoyment of what God has created and of what is gained by the general growth and improvement of the community of which they are a part. Therefore, no one should be permitted to hold natural opportunities without a fair return to all for any special privilege thus accorded to him, and that value which the growth and Improvement of the community attaches to land should be taken for the use of the community; that each is entitled to all that his labor produces; therefore, no tax should be levied on the products of labor.

To carry out these principles, we are in favor of raising all public revenues for national, State, county, and municipal purposes by a single tax upon land values, irrespective of improvements, and of the abolition of all other forms of direct and indirect taxation.

Since in all our States we now levy some tax on the value of land, the single tax can be instituted by the simple and easy way of abolishing, one after another, all other taxes now levied and commensurately increasing the tax on land values until we draw upon that one source for all expenses of government, the revenue being divided between local government, State government, and the general government, as the revenue from direct taxes is now divided between the local and State governments, or by a direct assessment being made by the general government upon the States and paid by them from revenues collected in this manner. The single tax we propose is not a tax on land, and therefore would not fall on the use of land and become a tax on labor.

It is a tax not on land, but on the value of land. Thus it would not fall on all land, but only on valuable land, and on that not in proportion to the use made of it, but in proportion to its value-the premium which the user of land must pay to the owner, either in purchase money or rent, for permisslon to use valuable land. It would thus be a tax not on the use and improvement of land, but on the ownership of land, taking what would otherwise go to the owner as owner, and not as user.

In assessments under the single tax all values created by individual use or improvement would be excluded, and the only value taken into consideration would be the value attaching to the bare land by reason of neighborhood, etc., to be determined by Impartial periodical assessments. Thus the farmer would have no more taxes to pay than the speculator who held a similar piece of land idle, and the man who on a city lot erected a valuable building would be taxed no more than the man who held a similar lot vacant. The single tax in short would call upon men to contribute to the public revenues not in proportion to what they produce or accumulate, but in proportion to the value of the natural opportunities they hold. It would compel them to pay just as much for holding land idle as for putting it to Its fullest use. The single tax, therefore, would

1st. Take the weight of taxation off the agricultural districts, where land has little or no value Irrespective of Improvements, and put it on towns and cities, where bare land rises to a value of millions of dollars per acre.

2d. Dispense with a multiplicity of taxes and a horde of tax-gatherers, simplify government, and greatly reduce its cost.

3d. Do away with the fraud, corruption, and gross inequality inseparable from our present methods of taxation, which allow the rich to escape while they grind the poor. Land cannot be hid or carried off, and its value can be ascertained with greater ease and certainty than any other.

4th. Give us with all the world as perfect freedom of trade as now exists between the States of the Union, thus enabling our people to share through free exchanges in all the advantages which nature has given to other countries, or which the peculiar skill of other peoples has enabled them to attain. It would destroy the trusts, monopolies, and corruptions which are the outgrowths of the tariff. It would do away with the fines and penalties now levied on any one who improves a farm, erects a house, builds a machine, or in any way adds to the general stock of wealth. It would leave every one free to apply labor or expend capital in production or exchange without fine or restriction, and would leave to each the full product of his exertion.

5th. It would, on the other hand, by taking for public use that value which attaches to land by reason of the growth and improvement of the community, make the holding of land unprofitable to the mere owner and profitable only to the user. It would thus make it impossible for speculators and monopolists to hold natural opportunities unused or only half used, and would throw open to labor the limitable field of employment which the earth offers to man. It would thus solve the labor problem, do away with involuntary poverty, raise wages in all occupations to the full earnings of labor, make overproduction impossible until all human wants are satisfied, render labor-saving inventions a blessing to all, and cause such an enormous production and such an equitable distribution of wealth as would give to all comfort, leisure, and participation in the advantages of an advancing civilization, in securing to each individual equal right to the use of the earth. It is also a proper function of society to maintain and control all public ways for the transportation of persons and property, and the transmission of intelligence; and also to maintain and control all public ways in citles for furnishing water, gas, and all other things that necessarily require the use of such common ways.

THE AMERICAN PEACE AND ARBITRATION LEAGUE, INC.

THE corporate purposes of the organization favor universal peace by concillation, joint commissions of inquiry and arbitration, through a permanent International court, arbitration treatles between all nations, and adequate armament for national security. Honorary Presidents-Woodrow Wilson, William H. Taft, and Theodore Roosevelt. President-Henry Clews. Treasurer-Cornellus A. Pugsley. Execu tive Director-Andrew B. Humphrey. Headquarters, 31 Nassau Street, New York City.

UNITED STATES SECRET SERVICE.

THE Secret Service Division of the Treasury Department is under the direction of Wm. J. Flynn, chief of the division. The service is principally engaged in detecting and prosecuting makers and dealers in counterfelt paper money and coin. Detalls are also furnished for the protection of the President of the United States.

The arrests of counterfelters number about 400 annually; other arrests are for bribery, Impersonating United States Government officers, perjury, and violating sections of the United States Revised Statutes relating to foreign and domestic obligations and coins.

PROGRESS OF THE UNITED STATES

IN AREA, POPULATION AND MATERIAL INDUSTRIES.

(Compiled from a statement prepared by the Bureau of Foreign and Domestic Commerce, Department

of Commerce.)

140,877,316173,092,065 40,160,33323,143,741

849,941,184 1,893,929,657

23.27

28.594,672

131,995,742

48,877,947

31,790,851

121,913,548 251,480,677

1484,846,2351,099,632,138

5,891,229,000

43,902,41456,592,000

41,883,06549,719,000

Th4,449,000

37,079,356 58,933,000

20,962,000

w 88,301,023

20 40,864,871

477,202,303

2,672,062,218 10,434,741,660

13,789,242 35 30,966,301

849,004,022 w2,157,055,000 270,588

288,636,62104296.175,300 522,229,505896,000,000

w 31,251,303

10555,031