Abbildungen der Seite

Declaration of Independence.


THE unanimous declaration of the thirteen United States of America, When in the Course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the Laws of Nature and of Nature's God entitles them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation.

We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness. That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed, That whenever any Form of Government becomes destructive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness. Prudence, indeed, will dictate that Governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and accordingly all experience hath shewn, that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same Object evinces a design to reduce them under absolute Despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such Government, and to provide new Guards for their future security. Such has been the patient sufferance of these Colonies; and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former Systems of Government. The history of the present King of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute Tyranny over these States. To prove this, let Facts be submitted to a candid world.


He has refused his Assent to Laws, the most wholesome and necessary for the public good.

He has forbidden his Governors to pass Laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation till his Assent should be obtained; and whien so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them.

He has refused to pass other Laws for the accommodation of large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of Representation in the Legislature, a right inestimable to them and formidable to tyrants only.

He has called together legislative bodies at places unusual, uncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their public Records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them into compliance with his


He has dissolved Representative Houses repeatedly, for opposing with manly firmness his invasions on the rights of the people.

He has refused for a long time, after such dissolutions, to cause others to be elected; whereby the Legislative powers, incapable of Annihilation, have returned to the People at large for their exercise; the State remaining in the meantime exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without, and convulsions within.

He has endeavored to prevent the population of these States; for that purpose obstructing the Laws for Naturalization of Foreigners; refusing to pass others to encourage their migrations hither, and raising the conditions of new Appropriations of Lands.

He has obstructed the Administration of Justice, by refusing his Assent to Laws for establishing Judiciary Powers.

He has made Judges dependent on his Will alone, for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries.

He has erected a multitude of New Offices, and sent hither swarms of Officers to harass our people, and eat out their substance.

He has kept among us, in times of peace, Standing Armies without the Consent of our legislature.
He has affected to render the Military independent of and superior to the Civil power.

He has combined with others to subject us to a jurisdiction foreign to our constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his Assent to their Acts of pretended Legislation:

For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us:

For protecting them, by a mock Trial, froin punishment for any Murders which they should commit on the Inhabitants of these States:

For cutting off our Trade with all parts of the world:

For imposing Taxes on us without our Consent:

For depriving us in many cases, of the benefits of Trial by jury:

For transporting us beyond Seas to be tried for pretended offences:

For abolishing the free System of English Laws in a neighboring Province, establishing therein an Arbitrary government, and enlarging its Boundaries so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute rule into these Colonies:

For taking away our Charters, abolishing our most valuable Laws, and altering fundamentally the Forms of our Governments:

For suspending our own Legislatures, and declaring themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever.

He has abdicated Government here, by declaring us out of his Protection and waging War against us.

He has plundered our seas, ravaged our Coasts, burnt our towns, and destroyed the lives of our people.

He is at this time transporting large Armies of foreign Mercenaries to compleat the works of death, desolation and tyranny, already begun with circumstances of Cruelty & perfidy scarcely paralleled in the most barbarous ages, and totally unworthy the Head of a civilized nation."

He has constrained our fellow-Citizens taken captive on the high Seas to bear Arms against their Country, to become the executioners of their friends and Brethren, or to fall themselves by their Hands.

He has excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the merciless Indian Savages, whose known rule of warfare, is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes and conditions.

In every stage of these Oppressions We have Petitioned for Redress in the most humble terms:


Our repeated Petitions have been answered only by repeated injury. A Prince, whose character is We have warned them from thus marked by every act which may define a Tyrant, is unfit to be the ruler of a free people. Nor have We been wanting in attentions to our British brethren. time to time of attempts by their legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us. We have reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement here. We have appealed to their native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them by the ties of our common We must, therekindred to disavow these usurpations, which would inevitably interrupt our connections and correspondence. They too have been deaf to the voice of justice and of consanguinity. fore, acquiesce in the necessity, which denounces our Separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, Enemies in War, in Peace Friends,

WE, THEREFORE, the REPRESENTATIVES of the UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, IN GENERAL CONGRESS, Assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the Name, and by authority of the good People of these Colonies, solemnly PUBLISH and DECLARE, That these United Colonies are, and of Right ought to be FREE AND INDEPENDENT States; that they are Absolved from all Allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection between them aud the State of Great Britain is and ought to be totally dissolved; and that as FREE AND INDEPENDENT STATES, they have full Power to levy War, conclude Peace, contraet Alliances, establish Commerce, and to do all other Acts and Things which INDEPENDENT STATES may of right do. And for the support of this Declaration, with a firm reliance on the protection of Divine Providence, We mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes, and our sacred Honor. 67 1495 WITH norshu




Mass. Bay.. Lawyer.... Oct. 30, 1735 Braintree.......Mass July 4,1826 91
Mass. Bay. Merchant.. Sep. 22, 1722 Boston..

Adams, John.....
Adams, Samuel..
Bartlett, Josiah..
Braxton, Carter....
Carroll, Charles..
Chase, Samuel..
Clark, Abraham
Clymer, George
Ellery, William...
Floyd, William...
Franklin, Benjamin...
Gerry, Elbridge....
Gwinnett, Button...
Hancock, John..
Hall, Lyman..
Harrison, Benj.
Hart. John....
Hewes, Joseph



Mass Oct. 3,1803 81 Mass May 19,1795 66 Nov.... 1729 Amesbury. N. Hamp.. Physician ..... Va Oct. 10,1797 62 Virginia... Planter..... Sep. 10, 1736 Newington.. Md Nov. 14,1832 96 Sep. 20, 1737 Annapolis. Maryland.. Lawyer... Maryland.. Lawyer..... Apr. 17, 1741 Somerset Co..... Md June 19, 1811 71 ...Pa Jan. 23, 1813 75 N. Jersey.. Lawyer..... Feb. 1, 1726 Elizabethtown...N. J Sept.....1794 69 Merchant.. Jan. 24, 1739 Philadelphia.. R. IFeb. 15,1820 93 Penn... Rhode Isl.. Lawyer..... Dec. 22, 1727 Newport....... N. YAug. 1,1821 87 Dec. 17, 1734 Setauket...... New York. Farmer... Mass Apr. 17,1790 85 Printer..... Jan. 17, 1706 Boston. Penn.... Mass. Bay. Merchant... July 17, 1744 Marblehead....Mass Nov. 23, 1814 71 1732 England May 27,1777 45 Merchant... 8,1793 57 Georgia ...1784 58 Mass. Bay. Merchant... Jan. 12, 1737 Braintree...... Mass Oct. 1731 Georgia. Physician.. Va Apr......1791 51 1740 Berkeley .1780 65 N. J Virginia Farmer..... 1715 Hopewell.. Farmer..... N. Jersey N. J Nov 10,1779 49 1730 Kingston.. 1809 63 N. Carolina Lawyer..... S. C Mar. 1746 St. Luke's..... .Mass Oct...... .1790 49 Heyward, Jr., Thos... S. Carolina Lawyer..... June 17, 1742 Boston.... N. Carolina Lawyer..... R. IJuly 13.1785 79 Hooper, Wm Rhode Isl.. Farmer..... Mar. 7, 1707 Scituate, 1737 Philadelphia..... Pa May 9,1791 54 Hopkins, Steph Lawyer..... .Ct Jan. 5,1796 64 Hopkinson, Francis...N. Jersey.. Ct. July 3, 1782 Windham.. Lawyer.. Va July 4,1826 83 Huntington, Sam'l.. Apr. 13, 1743 Shadwell... Va June 19,1794 63 Virginia...Lawyer.... Jefferson, Thos. Virginia Soldier... Jan. 20, 1782(Stratford. Va Apr......1797 63 Lee, Richard Henry.. Farmer..... Oct. 14, 1784 Stratford, ... Wales Dec. 30, 1803 91 Lee, Francis Lightfoot Virginia New York. Merchant.. March, 1713 Llandaff.. .N. Y June 12,1778 63 .1779 80 Lewis, Francis. New York. Merchant.. Jan, 15, 1716 Albany..... Livingston, Philip.. Aug. 5, 1749 Pr. George's Co. S. Cl Pa June 24, 1817 84 S. Carolina Lawyer.... Lynch, Jr., Thos... Delaware Lawyer... Mar.19, 1784 New London.... 1743 Middleton Pl...S. C Jan. 1,1788 44 M Kean, Thos... 1726 Morrisania..... N. Y Jan. 22,179 72 Middleton, Arthur.. Morris, Lewis... 1734 Lancashire. 1724 Ridley Morris, Robert Morton, John, 1738 York. Nelson, Jr., Thos... 1740 Wye Hall. 1731 Boston.... Paca, William. Paine, Robert Treat... 1741 Caroline Co...... 1784 Cecil Co.... Penn, John...... 1780 Dover. Read, George. 1730 Newcastle Rodney, Cæsar. Ross, George. 1745 Berberry. 1749 Charleston. Rush, Benjamin. Rutledge, Etward.. 1721 Newton.. 1710 Sherman, Roger. .N. J Feb. 28, 1781 51 5,1787 45 Smith, James. 1780 Princeton.. 1742 Pointoin Manor, Md Oct. Stockton, Richard 1716 Ireland Feb. 23,1781 65 Stone, Thos.. .Ireland June 24, 1803 89 1714 Taylor, Geo. 1740 Frederick Co..... Va Feb. 2,1804 64 Thornton, Matthew. 1730 Kittery... .... Me Nov. 28, 1785 55 Walton, George. Ct Aug. 2.1811 81 Whipple, William.... 1731 Lebanon.. 1742 St. Andrews....Scot Aug. 28, 1798 56 Williams, William.. ..Scot Nov. 15,1794 73 Wilson, James.. 1722 Yester....... .Ct Dec. 1,1797 72 Witherspoon, John.. 1726 Windsor.. Wolcott, Oliver ...... Ct.... 1726 Elizabeth Co..... Va June 8,1806 80 Wythe, George........

S. Carolina Lawyer..
New York. Farmer....
Penn...... Merchant.. Jan, 20,

.Eng May 8,1806 73
Pa Apr.....1777 53
4,1789 51
Va Jan.
1799 59
Mass May 11, 1814 84
ValSept......1788 48
..........1798 64
...1783 53
Del July......1779 49
.Pa Apr. 19, 1813 68
.S. CJan. 23,1800 51
Mass July 23,1793 73
Ireland July 11,1806 96

N. Jersey.


[ocr errors]
[ocr errors]
[ocr errors]
[ocr errors]


Washington's Farewell Address.




(To the People of the United States on His Approaching Retirement from the Presidency.)

Here, perhaps, I ought to stop; but a solicitude for your welfare, which cannot end but with my life, and the apprehension of danger natural to that solicitude, urge me, on an occasion like the present, to offer to your solemn contemplation, and to recommend to your frequent review, some sentiments, which are the result of much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation, and which appear to me all-important to the permanency of your These will be afforded to you with the more freedom, as you can an encouragement to it, felicity as a people. only see in them the disinterested warnings of a parting friend, who can possibly have no personal motive to bias his counsel; nor can I forget, as your indulgent reception of my sentiments on a former and not dissimilar occasion. Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your hearts, no recommendation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attachment.



The unity of government, which constitutes you


one people, is also now dear to It is justly so; for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence But as it is easy to foresee the support of your tranquillity at home, your peace abroad, of your safety, of your prosperity, of that very liberty which you so highly prize. that, from different causes and from different quarters, much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the onviction of this truth; as this should Is the point in your political fortress against which the batteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed-it is of infinite moment that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national union to your collective and individual happiness; that you cherish a cordial, habitual and immovable attachment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of the palladium of your political safety and prosperity; watching for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can, in any event, be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link together the various parts.

For this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. Citizens by birth or choice of a common country, that country has a right to concentrate your affections. The name of America, which belongs to you in your national capacity, must always exalt the just pride of patriotism, more than any appellation derived from local discriminations. With slight shades of difference, you have the same religion, manners, habits, and political principles. You have, in a common cause, fought and triumphed together; the Independence and liberty you possess are the work of joint counsels and joint efforts, of common dangers, sufferings, and successes.


It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking, In a free country, should inspire caution in those intrusted with its administration, to confine themselves within The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate their respective constitutional spheres, avoiding, in the exercise of the powers of one department, to encroach upon another. the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of A just estimate of that love of power, and proneness to government, a real despotism. abuse it which predominates in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth The necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of political power, of this position. by dividing and distributing it into different depositories, and constituting each the If, in the opinion guardian of the public weal, against invasions by the others, has been evinced by experiments, ancient and modern; some of them in our own country, and under our own eyes. To preserve them must be as necessary as to institute them. of the people, the distribution or modification of the constitutional powers be, in any particular, wrong, let it be corrected by an amendment in the way which the ConstituBut let there be no change or usurpation; for though this, in one tion designates. instance, may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which free The precedent must always greatly overbalance, in permagovernments are destroyed. nent evil, any partial or transient benefit which the use can, at any time, yield. Observe good faith and justice toward all nations; cultivate peace and harmony with all; religion and morality enjoin this conduct; and can it be that good policy does not It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and, at no distant period, a equally enjoin it? Who can doubt that, in the course great nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people Can it be that Providence always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. The experiment, of times and things, the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary adAlas! is it vantages which might be lost by a steady adherence to it? has not connected the permanent felicity of a nation with its virtue? at least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature. rendered impossible by its vices?


Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me, fellowExcessive citizens) the jealousy of a free people ought to constantly awake; since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of republican But that jealousy to be useful, must be impartial; else it becomes the incause those whom government. strument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a defence against it. artiality for one foreign nation, and excessive dislike for another, y actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to vell, and even second, the arts


of influence on the other. Real patriots, who may resist the intrigues of the favorite, are liable to become suspected and odlous, while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people, to surrender their interests.

The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations, is, in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop.

Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, or a very remote relation. Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns, Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves, by artificial ties, in the ordinary vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmities.

Our detached and distant situation invites and enables us to pursue a different course. If we remain one people under an efficient government, the period is not far off when we may defy material injury from external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will cause the neutrality we may at any time resolve upon, to be scrupulously respected; when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel.


In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope that they will make the strong and lasting impression I could wish; that they will control the usual current of the passions, or prevent our nation from running the course which hitherto has marked the destiny of nations; but if I may even flatter myself that they may be productive of some partial benefit, some occasional good; that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit, to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigues, to guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism; this hope will be full recompense for the solicitude for your welfare by which they have been dictated.

United States, September 17, 1796.



"THE Monroe doctrine" was enunciated in the following words in President Monroe's message to Congress December 2, 1823:

"In the discussions to which this interest has given rise, and in the arrangements by which they may terminate, the occasion has been deemed proper for asserting, as a principle in which rights and interests of the United States are involved, that the American continents, by the free and independent condition which they have assumed and maintain, are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any European power. · * We owe it, therefore, to candor and to the amicable relations existing between the United States and those powers to declare that we should consider any attempt on their part to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety. With the existing colonies or dependencies of any European power we have not interfered and shall not interfere. But with the governments who have declared their independence and maintain it, and whose independence we have, on great consideration and on just principles, acknowledged, we could not view any interposition for the purpose of oppressing them or controlling in any other manner their destiny by any European power in any other light than as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition toward the United States."

Secretary of State Olney in his despatch of July 20, 1895, on the Venezuelan Boundary Dispute, said: "It (the Monroe doctrine) does not establish any general protectorate by the United States over other American States. It does not relieve any American State from its obligations as fixed by international law, nor prevent any European power directly interested from enforcing such obligations or from inflicting merited punishment for the breach of them."

President Roosevelt in a speech in 1902 upon the results of the Spanish-American war, said:

The Monroe doctrine is simply a statement of our very firm belief that the nations now existing on this continent must be left to work out their own destinies among themselves, and that this continent is no longer to be regarded as the colonizing ground of any European power. The one power on the continent that can make the power effective is, of course, ourselves; for in the world as it is, a nation which advances a given doctrine, likely to interfere in any way with other nations, must possess the power to back it up, if it wishes the doctrine to be respected."

The United States Senate on August 2, 1912, adopted the following resolution proposed by Senator Lodge, by a vote of 51 to 4, the negative votes being those of Senators Cummins of Iowa, McCumber of North Dakota, Percy of Mississippi, and Stone of Missouri,

"Resolved. That when any harbor or other place in the American Continent is so situated that the occupation thereof for naval or military purposes might threaten the communications or the safety of the United States, the Government of the United States could not see without grave concern the possession of such harbor or other place by any corporation or association which has such a relation to another Government, not American, as to give that Government practical power of control for national purposes."

This action of the Senate grew out of the report that a stretch of territory bordering on Magdalena Bay, Mexico, might be acquired by the subjects of a foreign country, and thus through their control by their own national Government become the base of permanent naval or military occupation. In explanation of the resolution Senator Lodge said: The declaration rests on a much broader and older ground than the Monroe doctrine. This resolution rests on the generally accepted principle that every nation has a right to protect its own safety; and if it feels that the possession of any given harbor or place is prejudical to its safety, it is its duty and right to Intervene. The Senate added that the opening of the Panama Canal gave to Magdalena Bay an importance that it had never before possessed, as the Panama routes pass in front of it.


Not being a joint resolution requiring the concurrence of the House of Representatives and the signature of the President, the resolution adopted as above was an expression of opinion of the Senate only. The other house took no action.

[blocks in formation]



THE Sixty-first Congress, third session, passed an act, approved February 9, 1911. "to provide a commission to secure plans and designs for a monument or memorial to the memory of Abraham Lincoln." The text of the act is as follows:

Be it enacted by the Sena e and House of Representa ives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That William H. Taft, Shelby M. Cullom, Joseph G. Cannon, George Peabody Wetmore. Samuel Walker McCall, † H. D. Money, and Champ Clark are hereby created a commission to be known as the Lincoln Memorial Commission, to procure and determine upon a location, plan, and design for a monument or memorial in the city of Washington, District of Columbia, to the memory of Abraham Lincoln, subject to the approval of Congress.

SEC. 2. That in the discharge of its duties hereunder sald commission is authorized to employ the services of such artists, sculptors, architects, and others as it shall determine to be necessary, and to avall itself of the services or advice of the Commission of Fine Arts, created by the act approved May 17, 1910.

SEC. 3. That the construction of the monument or memorial, herein and hereby authorized, shall be upon such site as shall be determined by the commission herein created, and approved by Congress, and said construction shall be entered upon as speedily as practicable after the plan and design therefor is determined upon and approved by Congress, and shall be prosecuted to completion, under the direction of said commission and the supervision of the Secretary of War, under a contract or contracts hereby authorized to be entered into by said Secretary in a total sum not exceeding two million dollars.

SEC. 4. That vacancies occurring in the membership of the commission shall be filled by appointment by the President of the United States.

By joint resolution, approved February 1, 1913, Congress approved the plan, design and location for the memorial recommended by the commission.

The memorial is to be erected in Potomac Park on the axis of the United States Capitol and the Washington Monument, in accordance with plans prepared by Mr. Henry Bacon of New York City. By Sundry Civil act of March 4, 1913, the sum of $300,000 was appropriated to commence the work of construction, which was begun in the Fall of 1913.

Joseph C. 8. Blackburn, former United States Senator from Kentucky, was appointed by President Wilson on February 2, 1914, to fill the vacancy on the commission caused by the death of Mr. Cullom. † Thomas S. Martin, United States Senator from Virginia, was afterward appointed to fill the vacancy on the commission caused by the death of Senator Money.

The foundations of the Memorial are now under construction, and will probably be completed early in 1915. They consist of reinforced concrete piers from 3 feet 6 inches to 4 feet 2 inches in diameter cast in steel cylinders which have been driven to bed rock and two feet into the rock, about fifty feet below the present surface of the ground. The upper foundations will rise 45 feet above the present ground level and will be surrounded by a mound of earth one thousand feet in diameter. Upon these foundations the Memorial proper, a great temple in design, will be erected of white marble.


THERE are two kinds of telescopes, viz., refracting and reflecting. In the former the rays of light are made to converge to a focus by lenses, while in the latter they are made to converge by being reflected from the surface of a slightly concaved, highly polished mirror.

The chief disadvantages of refracting telescopes are the chromatic and spherical aberrations of the lenses. In reflecting telescopes these aberrations can be done away with by using parabolic mirrors, but the great objection to the latter are the many mechanical difficulties that have to be


Owing to the travelling of the earth in its orbit and revolving about its axis, stars if viewed by a fixed telescope would soon disappear. It is thus necessary that a telescope be mounted so a star will always be in its field. This is accomplished by using an equatorial mounting.

In an equatorial mounting there are two axes, one called the "polar" that is parallel to the axis of the earth, and the other the "declination" at right angles to It. Hence, when a star is to be followed, the telescope is clamped in position, and by means of clockwork follows the star so it always remains in view.

The magnifying power of telesco es is generally expressed in diameters, the practical limit of power being 100 diameters per inch of diameter of the telescope. Thus the 36-Inch telescope, at the Lick Observatory, may give a magnifying power of 3,600 diameters. But such high power can only be used in a very clear atmosphere, and conse uently most astronomical observations are made at 1,000 diameters.


The largest in the world are in the United States. The one at Yerkes Observatory, Geneva Lake, Wis.. has an object lens 40 Inches in diameter with a focal length of 64 feet. The movable part of the Instrument turning on the polar axis weighs about 12 tons, and the clock 11⁄2 tons. Other farge telescopes are the 36-inch at Lick Observatory, Mt. Hamilton, Cal., where many important astronomical discoveries have been made; the 26-inch at the U. S. Observatory, Washington, D. C.. and the 24-inch belonging to Harvard University. There is a 30-inch refracting telescope at the Allegheny Observatory, Riverview Park, Pa.

Abroad is the 30-inch at the Imperial Observatory, Pulkova (near St. Petersburg), Russia. This telescope has a platform at the lower end of the polar axis, from which observers can readily operate the Instrument. The Meudon Observatory (near Paris, France) has a 32-inch, the Potsdam. Prussia, a 31-inch, and the Royal Observatory, at Greenwich, England, a 28-inch. There is a 32inch being installed at the Nicolaleff Observatory of Russia.


One of the most perfect instruments ever built is at Mt. Wilson Observatory, Pasadena, Cal. The mirror is silver on glass, 60 inches in diameter, and weighs nearly a ton. The telescope is moved by electric motors in right ascension and declination. An Important feature in this instrument is the different focal lengths that can be obtained. The 60-Inch mirror has a 25-foot focus, but by a suitable arrangement of mirrors it is possible to get focal lengths of 80. 100 and 150 feet. At the same observatory a 100-inch reflector is being constructed. The tube of the telescope, with the mirror at the bottom, will be 43 feet long, and with the mountings will weigh nearly 20 tons. There is a 36-inch reflector at Lick Observatory, Harvard University has a 28-inch and a 60-inch, and at the Yerkes Observatory is a 24-inch.

Other notable reflectors are the Lord Rosse, at Birr Castle, Ireland, which has a mirror 72 Inches in diameter of speculum metal and a focal length of 54 feet, a 48-Inch at Melbourne, Australia, a 60-inch at Ealing. England, a 48-inch at Paris, France. and a 39-inch at Meudon, France. The Dominion Astronomical Observatory has had plans prepared for erecting a 72-inch near Victoria, B. C.

« ZurückWeiter »