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CONSTITUTION OF THE UNITED STATES- Continued.
ARTICLE XIV. Protection for
1. All persons born or naturalized in the United States, and subject to the jurisdiction thereof, are citizens of the all citizens, United States and of the State wherein they reside. No Slate shall inake or enforce any law which shall abridge the
privileges or minunities of citizens of the United States; nor shall any State deprive any person of life, liberty, or
property without due process of law, nor deny to any person within its jurisdiction the equal protection of the laws. Apportionment 2. Representatives shall be apportioned among the sereral States according to their respective numbers, counting
of Represet. the whole number of persons in ench Slate, exclurling Indians not laxed. But when the right to vote at any election tatives, for the choice of electors for President and Vice-President of the United States, Representatives in Congress, the er.
ecutive and judicial officers of a State, or the members of the Legislature thereot, is denied to any of the male merne bers of such state, being of twenty-one years of age, and citizens of the United States, or in any way abridged, exe cept for participation in rebellion or other crime, the basis of representation therein shall be reduced in the propor. tion which the number of such male citizens shall bear to the whole number of male citizens twenty-oue years of
Age in such Slate. Rebellion 3. No person shall be a Senator or Representative in Congress, or elector of Presidentend Vice-President, or
against the holding any office, civil or military, under the United States, or under any State, who, haviog previously taken an United States. oath, as a member of Congress, or as an officer of the United States, or as a meinber of any Siate Legislature, or as
an esecutive or judicial officer of any State, to support the Constitution of the United States, shall have engaged in insurrection or rebellion against the same, or given aid and comfort to the enemies thereof. But Congress may, by
s rote of two-thirds of each House, remove such disability. The public 4. The validity of the pablic debt of the United States, anthorized by law, inclading debts incurred for payment debt.
of pensions and bounties for services in suppressing insurrection and rebellion, shall not be questioned. But beither
ARTICLE XV. Right of sof 1. The right of the citizens of the United States to vote shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or frage. by any State on account of race, color, or previous condition of servitude. 9. The Congress shall have power to enforce the provisions of this article by appropriate legislation.
ARTICLE XVI. Tares on In The Congress shall have power to lay and colleet taxes on incomes, from whatever source derived, Com . without apportiuninent among the several states, and without regard to any census or enumeration.
ARTICLE XVII. Seastors elect 1. The Senate of the United States shall be composed of two Senators from each state, elected by the people
ed by the thereof, for six years, and each Senator shall have one vote. The electors in each State shall have the quall.
people. fications requisite for electors of the most numerous branch of the State Legislatures. Filling of va 2. When vacancies happen in the representation of any State in the Senate, the executive authority of such cancie. State shall image writs of election to fill snch vacancies: Provided, That the Legislature of any State may
empower the executive thereof to make temporary appointment until the people all the vacancies by election as ihe Legislature may direct.
3. This amendment shall not be so construed as to affect the election or term of any Senator chosen before it becomes valid as part of the Constitution.
RATIFICATION OF THE CONSTITUTION,
The Constitution was ratified by the thirteen original states in the following order : Delaware, December 7, 1787, inanimously.
South Carolina, May 23, 1788, vote 149 to 73. Pennsylvania, December 12, 1787, vote 46 to 23.
New Hampshire, June 21, 1788, rote 57 to 46. New Jersey, December 18, 1787, unaniinously.
Virginia, June 25, 1788, vote 89 to 79. Georgia, Jangary %, 1788, unanimously.
New York, July 26, 1788, vote 30 to 28. Connecticut, January 9, 1788, vote 128 to 40.
North Carolina, November 91, 1789, vote 198 to 15. Massachusetta, February 6, 1788, vote 187 to 168.
Rhode Island, May 29, 1790, vote 34 to 39. Maryland, April 28, 1788, vote 63 to 19.
RATIFICATION OF THE AMENDMENTS. 1. to X. Inclusive were declared in force December 15, 1791. XI. wus declared in force January 8, 1798. XII, regulating elections, was ratitied by all the States except Connecticut, Delaware, Masarchusetts, and New Hampshire, which
rejected it. It was declared in force September 28, 1804. XII. The ernancipation ameucinent was ratitied by 31 of the 36 States; rejected by Delaware and Kentucky, not acted on by Texas;
conditionally ratitied by Alabama and Mississippi. Proclaimed Decenter 18, 1865. XIV. Reconstruction unendinent was ratitied by 93 Northern States; rejected by Delaware, Kentucky, Maryland, and 10 Southern
States, and not acted ou by California. The 10 Southern Slates subsequently ratified under pressure. Proclaimed July 28, 1868. XV. Negro citizenship anendinent was not need on by Tennessee, rejected by California, Delaware, Kentucky, Maryland, New
Jersey, and Oregon ; ratified by the remaining 30 States. New York rescinded its ratification January 5, 1870. Proclaimed
March 30, 1870. Xvi, locorne lax amendment was ratified by all the States except Connecticut, Florida, Pennsylvania, Rhode Island, Utah and
Virginis. Declared in force Ferruary 26, 1913. XVII. Prosidiog for the direct vote of United States Senators by the people, was ratified by all the States except Alabama,
Delaware, Florida, Georgia, Kentucky, Louisiana, Maryland, Mississippi, Rhode Island, South Carolina, Utah and Virginia, Declared in force May 31, 1913.
THE NATIONAL FLAQ. The official flag of the United States bears forty-eight white stars in a blue field, arranged in sis rows of eight stars each. Two stars were added in 1912 by the admission of Arizona and New Mexico to the Union. The garrison flag of the Army is made of bunting, thirty-six feet fly and twenty feet hoist, thirteen stripes, and in the upper quarter, next the statl, is the field or "union'' of stars, equal to the number of States, on blue field, over one-third length of the flag, extending to the lower edge of the fourth red stripe from the top. The storm flag is twenty feet by ten feet, and the recruiting ilag nine feet nine inches by four feet four inches. The "American Jack'' Is the *union" or blue field of the flag. The Revenue Marine Service flag, authorized by act of Congress, March 2, 1799, was originally prescribed to consist of sixteen perpendicular stripes, alternate red and while, tbe union of the ensign bearing the arms of the United States in dark blue on a white feld." The sixteen stripes represented the number of states which had been admitted to the Union at that time, and no change has been made since, June 14, the anniversary of the adoption of the flag, is celebrated as Flag Day in a large part of the Union,
DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE,
IN CONGRESS JULY 4, 1776. THE unanimous declaration of the thirteen United States of America. When in the Course of human events, it becomes necessary for one people to dissolve the political bands which have connected them with another, and to assume among the powers of the earth, the separate and equal station to which the Laws of Nature and of Nature's God entitles them, a decent respect to the opinions of mankind requires that they should declare the causes which impel them to the separation,
We hold these truths to be self-evident, that all men are created equal, that they are endowed by their Creator with certain unalienable Rights, that among these are Life, Liberty and the pursuit of Happiness. That to secure these rights, Governments are instituted among Men, deriving their just powers from the consent of the governed, That whenever any Form of Government becomes destruciive of these ends, it is the Right of the People to alter or to abolish it, and to institute new Government, laying its foundation on such principles and organizing its powers in such form, as to them shall seem most likely to effect their Safety and Happiness. Prudence, Indeed, will 'dictate that Governments long established should not be changed for light and transient causes; and accordiogly all experience hath shewn, that mankind are more disposed to suffer, while evils are sufferable, than to right themselves by abolishing the forms to which they are accustomed. But when a long train of abuses and usurpations, pursuing invariably the same Object evinces a design to reduce them under absolute Despotism, it is their right, it is their duty, to throw off such Government, and to provide new Guards for their future security. Such has been the patient sufferance of these Colonies; and such is now the necessity which constrains them to alter their former Systems of Government. The history of the present King of Great Britain is a history of repeated injuries and usurpations, all having in direct object the establishment of an absolute Tyrunny over these States. To prove this, let Facts be submitted to a candid world.
He has refused his Assent to Laws, the most wholesome and necessary for the public good.
He has forbidden his Governors to pass Laws of immediate and pressing importance, unless suspended in their operation till his Assent should be obtained; and when so suspended, he has utterly neglected to attend to them.
He has refused to pass other Laws for the accommodation of large districts of people, unless those people would relinquish the right of Representation in the Legislature, a right inestimable to them and formidable to tyrants only.
He has called together legislative bodles at places unusual, oncomfortable, and distant from the depository of their public Records, for the sole purpose of fatiguing them iuto compliance with his measures,
He bas dissolved Representative Houses repeatedly, for opposing with manly firmness his invesions ou the rights of the people.
He has refused for a long time, after such dissolutions, to cause others to be elected; whereby the Legislative powers, incapable of Annihilation, have returned to the People at large for their exer. cise; the State reinaining in the meantime exposed to all the dangers of invasion from without, and couvulsions within.
He has endeavored to prevent the population of these States; for that purpose obstructing the Laws for Naturalization of Foreigners;
refusing to pass others to encourage iheir inigrations hicher, and raising the conditions of new Appropriations of Lands.
He has obstructed the Administration of Justice, by refusing his Assent to Laws for establishing Judiciary Powers.
He has made Judges dependent on his Will alone, for the tenure of their offices, and the amount and payment of their salaries.
He has erected a multitude of New Offices, and sent hither swarms of Oficers to harass our people, and eat out their substance,
He has kept among us, in umes of peace, Standing Armies without the Consent of our legislature. He has affected to render the Military independent of and superior to the Civil power.
He has combined with others to subject is to a jurisdiction foreign to our constitution, and unacknowledged by our laws; giving his Assent to their Acts of pretended Legislation:
For quartering large bodies of armed troops among us:
For protecting them, by a mock Trial, froin punishment for any Murders which they should commit on the Inhabitants of these States:
For cutting off our Trade with all parts of the world:
For abolishing the free System of English Laws in a neighboring Province, establishing therein an Arbitrary government, and enlarging its Boundaries so as to render it at once an example and fit instrument for introducing the same absolute rule into these Colonies:
For taking away our Charters, abolishing our most valuable Laws, and altering fundamentally the Forms of our Goveruments:
For suspending our own Legislatures, and declaring themselves invested with power to legislate for us in all cases whatsoever.
He has abdicated Government here, by declaring us out of his Protection and waging War against us.
He has plundered our seas, ravaged our Coasts, burnt our towns, ana destroyed the lives of our people.
He is at this time transporting large Armies of foreign Mercenaries to compleat the works of death, desolation and tyranny, already begun with circumstances of Cruelty i perfidy scarcely paralleled in the most barbarons ages, and totally unworthy the Head of a civilized nation.
He has constrained our fellow-Citizens taken captive on the high Seas to bear Arms against their Country, to become the executioners of their friends and Brethren, or to fall themselves by their Hands.
He nas excited domestic insurrections amongst us, and has endeavored to bring on the inhabitants of our frontiers, the merciless Indian Savages, whose known rule of warfare, is an undistinguished destruction of all ages, sexes and conditions.
In every stage of these Oppressions We have Petitioned for Redress in the most humble terms:
DECLARATION OF INDEPENDENCE-Continued.
Our repeated Petitions have been answered only by repeated injury. A Prince, whose character is thus marked by every act which may defne a Tyrant, is unit to be the ruler of a free people
Nor have We been wanting in attentions to our British brethren. We have warned them from time to time of attempts by their legislature to extend an unwarrantable jurisdiction over us.
We have reminded them of the circumstances of our emigration and settlement bere. We have appealed to tbeir native justice and magnanimity, and we have conjured them by the ties of our
common kindred to disavow these usurpatious, which would inevitably interrupt our connections and correspondence. They too bave been deal to the voice of justice and of consanguinity. We must, therefore, acquiesce in the necessity, which denounces our Separation, and hold them, as we hold the rest of mankind, Enemies in War, In Peace Friends,
WE, THEREFORE, the REPRESENTATIVES of the UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, IN GENERAL CONGRESS, Assembled, appealing to the Supreme Judge of the world for the rectitude of our intentions, do, in the Name, and by authority of the good People of these Colonies, solemuly PUBLISH and DECLARE, That these United Colonies are, and of Right ought tu be FREE AND INDEPENDENT States; that they are Absolved from all Allegiance to the British Crown, and that all political connection between them aud the State of Great Britain is and ought to be totally dissolved; and that as FREE AND INDEPENDENT STATES, they have full Power to levy War, conclude Peace, contraet Alliances, establish Commerce, and to do all other Acts and Things wbich INDEPENDENT STATES may of right do. And for the support of this Declaration, with a arm reliance on the protection of Divine Providence, We mutually pledge to each other our Lives, our Fortunes, and our sacred Honor.
Adams, John.......... Mass. Bay.. Lawyer .... Oct. 30, 1785 Braintree.......Mass July 4, 1826 91 Adarns, Samuel... Mass. Bay. Merchant.. Sep. 22, 1722 Boston....
Mass Oct. 3, 1803 81 Bartlett, Josiah. N. Hamp. Physician Nov. 1729 Amesbury..... Mass May 19, 1795 66 Bruxton, Carter.. Virginia ... Planter..... Sep. 10, 1736 Newington.. Va Oct. 10,1797 62 Carroll, Charles.. Maryland.. Lawyer..... Sep. 20, 1737 Annapolis........Md Nov. 14, 1832 96 Chase, Samuel... Maryland.. Lawyer..... Apr. 17, 1741 Somerset Co..... Md June 19, 1811 71 Clark, Abraham
N. Jersey Lawyer..... Feb. 1., 17:26 Elizabethtown...N. J Sept.....1794 69 Clymer, George Penn. Merebant.. Jan. 24, 1739 Philadelphia. Pa Jan. 23, 1813 75 Ellery, William.. Rhode Isl.. Lawyer.... Dec. 22, 1727 Newport. RIFeb. 15. 1820 93 Floyd, William.. New York. Farmer..... Dec. 17. 1734 Setauket. ...... N. Y Aug. 1.1821 87 Franklin, Benjamin... Penn. Printer..... Jan. 17. 1706 Bostou......... Mass Apr. 17, 1790 85 Gerry, Elbridge.. Mass. Bay. Merchant... July 17, 1744 Marblehead....Mess Nov. 23, 1814 71 Gwinnett, Button...... Georgla .. Merchant...
England May 27, 1777 45 Hancock, John.. Mass. Bay. Merchant... Jan. 12, 1737 Braintree.
8,1793 67 Hall, Lyman.. Georgia .... Physician
.1784 53 Harrison, Beof...
1740 Berkeley. Va Apr...... 1791 61 Hart, John...
1780 65 Hewes, Joseph. N. Carolina Lawyer....
1730 Kingston....... N.JNov 10, 1779 19 Heyward, Jr., Thos... S, Carolina Lawyer...
1746 St. Luke's......8. c Mar........1809 63 Hooper, Wm
N. Carolina Lawyer... June 17, 1742 Boston.......... Mass Oct...... .1790 49 Hopkins, Steph ...... Rhode Isl.. Farmer... Mar. 7, 1707 Scituate. :::
....R. I July 13.1785 79 Hopkuson, Francis... N. Jersey.. Lawyer.....
1737 Philadelphia..... Pa May 9,1791 54 Huntington, Sam'l...
July 3, 1782 Windham. ..ct Jan. 5,1796 64 Jefferson, Thos.. Virginia..
Apr. 13, 1743 Shad well. Va July 4,1826 83 Lee, Richard Henry.. Virginia ... Soldier... Jan. 20, 1782(Stratford. ..... Va June 19,1794 63 Lee, Francis Lightfoot Virginia .. Farmer..... Oct. 14, 1734 Stratford. Va Apr ....... 1797) 63 Lewis, Francis.
New York. Merchant. March, 1713 Llandaff.. Wales Dec. 30, 1803/ 91 Livingston, Philip..... New York. Merchant.. Jan, 15, 1716 Albany. .N. Y June 12, 1778 63 Lynch, Jr., Thos.... s. Carolina Lawyer..... Aug. 5, 1749 Pr. George's Co. s. C. 1779| 30 M Kean, Thos... Delaware .. Lawyer..... Mar.19, 1734 New London Pa June 24,1817 84 Middleton, Arthur. s. Carolina Lawyer.....
1743 Middleton Pl...s, C|Jan, 1,1788 44 Morris, Lewis.... New York. Farmer.....
17:20 Morrisania..... N. Y Jan, 22,179 72 Morris, Robert Penn....... Merchant.. Jan. 20, 1734 Lancashire......Eng May 8, 1806 73 Morton, John...
Pa Api.....1777 53 Nelson, Jr., Thos... Virginia Statesman.. Dec. 26, 1738 York
4,1789 61 Puca, William Maryland.. Lawyer..... Oct. 31, 1740 Wye Hell... Md
1799 59 Paine, Robert Treat... Mass. Bay. Lawyer....
1731 Boston... ...... Mass May 11, 1814 84 Penn, John
N. Carolina Lawyer.. May 17, 1741 Caroline Co....... Va Sept.. ....1788 48 Read, George........ Delaware.. Lawyer..
1734 Cecil Co.......
..1798 64 Roduey, Cæsar. ...... Delaware.. General...
Del ...1783) 53 Ross, George.
1730 Newcastle Del July ...... 1779 49 Rush, Benjamin. Penn... Physician.. Dec. 24, 1745 Berberry.. ...Pa Apr. 19,1813 68 Rutledge, Elward... S. Carolina Lawyer.....
Nov. 1749 Charleston ......S. C Jan. 23, 1800 51 Sherman, Roger.
Shoemaker. Apr. 19, 1721 Newton....... Mas July 23, 1793 73 Smith, James Penn...... Lawyer.....
... Ireland July 11,1806 96 Stockton, Richard V. Jersey.. Lawyer..... Oct. 1, 1730 Princeton.. .N. J Feb. 28, 1781 61 Stone, Thos... Maryland. Lawyer.
1742 Pointoin Manor, Md Oct. 5, 1787| 45 Taylor, Geo. Penn....... Physician..
Ireland Feb. 23, 1781 65 Thornton, Matthew.. N, Hamp.. Physician..
Ireland June 24, 1803 89 Walton, George.. Georgia Lawyer...
1740 Frederick Co..... Va Feb. 2,1804/ 64 Whipple, William..... Ol.... Sailor
1730 Kittery........... Me Nov. 28, 1785 55 Willams, William,
Statesman.. Apr. 8, 1731 Lebanon..... .....Ct Ang. 2,1811) 81 Wilson, James. Penn. Lawyer.......
1742 St. Andrews....Scot Aug. 28, 1798 56 Witherspoon, John.... N.Jersey.. Minister ... Feb. 5, 1722 Yester..... Scot Nov. 15, 1794 73 Wolcott, Oliver Physician.. Nov. 26, 1726 Windsor.
Ct Dec. 1,17971 72 Wythe, George........ Virginia... Lawyer..
1726 Elizabeth Co..... Va June 8, 1806 80
WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS. EXTRACTS FROM HIS ADDRESS COUNSELLING THE MAINTENANCE OF THE UNIOX.-CONFINEMENT OF THE GENERAL GOVERNMENT TO ITS CONSTITUTIONAL LIMITATIONS, AND AVOIDANCE OF RELATIONS
WITH FOREIGN POLITICAL AFFAIRS. (To the People of the United States on His Approaching Retirement from the Presidency.) Here, perhaps, I ought to stop; but a solicitude for your welfare, which cannot end but with my life, and the apprehension of danger natural' to that solicitude, urge me, on an occasion like the present, to offer to your solemn contemplation, and to recommend to your frequent review, some sentiments, which are the result of much reflection, of no inconsiderable observation, and which appear to me all-important to the permanency of your felicity as a people. These will be afforded to you with the more freedom. as you can only see in them the disinterested warnings of a parting friend, who can possibly have no personal motive to bias his counsel; nor can I forget, as an encouragement to it, your indulgent reception of my sentiments on a former and not dissimilar occasion.
Interwoven as is the love of liberty with every ligament of your hearts, no recommendation of mine is necessary to fortify or confirm the attachment,
PRESERVATION OF THE UNION. The unity of government, which constitutes you one people, is also now dear to vou. It is justly so; for it is a main pillar in the edifice of your real independence the support of your tranquillity at home, your peace abroad, of your safety, of your prosperity, of that very liberty which you so highly prize. But as it is easy to foresee chat, from different causes and from different quarters, much pains will be taken, many artifices employed, to weaken in your minds the onviction of this truth; as this is the point in your pol ical fortress against which the atteries of internal and external enemies will be most constantly and actively (though often covertly and insidiously) directed--t is of infinite moment that you should properly estimate the immense value of your national union to your collective and individual happiness; that you should cherish & cordial, habitual and immovable attichment to it; accustoming yourselves to think and speak of it as of the palladium of your political safety and prosperity: watch. ing for its preservation with jealous anxiety; discountenancing whatever may suggest even a suspicion that it can, in any event, be abandoned; and indignantly frowning upon the first dawning of every attempt to alienate any portion of our country from the rest, or to enfeeble the sacred ties which now link tog ther the various parts.
For this you have every inducement of sympathy and interest. Citizens by birth or choice of a common country, that country has a right to concentrate your affections.
The aame of America, which belongs to you in your national capacity. must always exalt the just pride
of patriotism, more than any appellation derived from local discriminations, With slight shades of difference, you have the same religion, manners, habits, and political principles, You have, in a common cause, fought and Irlumphed together: the Independence and liberty you possess are the work of joint counsels and joint efforts, of common dangers, sufferings, and successes,
ENCROACHMENTS BY THE GOVERNMENT. It is important, likewise, that the habits of thinking, in a free country, should inspire caution in those intrusted with its administration, to confine themselves within their respective constitutional spheres, avoiding in the exercise of the powers of one department, to encroach upon another. The spirit of encroachment tends to consolidate the powers of all the departments in one, and thus to create, whatever the form of government, a real despotism. A just estimate of that love of power, and proneness to abuse it which predominates in the human heart, is sufficient to satisfy us of the truth of this position. The necessity of reciprocal checks in the exercise of political power, by dividing and distributing. it into different depositories, and constituting each the guardian of the public weal. against invasions by the others, has been evinced by experiments, ancient and modern; some of them in our own country, and under our own eyes, To preserve them must be as necessary as to institute them. If, in the opinion of the people, the distribution or modification of the constitutional powers be, in any particular, wrong, let i* be corrected by an amendment in the way which the Constitution designates. But let there be no change or usurpation; for though this, in one instance, may be the instrument of good, it is the customary weapon by which free governments are destroyed. The precedent must always greatly overbalance, in permanent evil, any partial or transient benefit which the use can, at any time, yield.
Observe good falth and justice toward all nations; cultivate peace and harmony with all; religion and morality enjoin this conduct; and can it be that good policy does not equally enjoin it? It will be worthy of a free, enlightened, and, at no distant period, a great nation, to give to mankind the magnanimous and too novel example of a people always guided by an exalted justice and benevolence. Who can doubt that, in the course of times and things. the fruits of such a plan would richly repay any temporary advantages which might be lost by a steady adherence to it? Can it be that Providence has not connected the permanent felicity of a nation with its virtue? The experiment, at least, is recommended by every sentiment which ennobles human nature. Alas! is it rendered impossible by its vices ?
ENTANGLEMENTS WITH FOREIGN POWERS. Against the insidious wiles of foreign influence (I conjure you to believe me, fellowcitizens) the jealousy of a free people ought to constantly a wake; since history and experience prove that foreign influence is one of the most baneful foes of republican government. But that jealousy to be useful, must be impartial; else it becomes the instrument of the very influence to be avoided, instead of a uefence against it, Excessive
rtiality for one foreign nation, and excessive dislike for another, cause those whom y actuate to see danger only on one side, and serve to vell, and even second, the arts
WASHINGTON'S FAREWELL ADDRESS--Continued.
of influence on the other. Real patriots, who may resist the intrigues of the favorite, are liable to become suspected and odlous, while its tools and dupes usurp the applause and confidence of the people, to surrender their interests.
The great rule of conduct for us, in regard to foreign nations, is, in extending our commercial relations, to have with them as little political connection as possible. So far as we have already formed engagements, let them be fulfilled with perfect good faith. Here let us stop.
Europe has a set of primary interests, which to us have none, or a very remote relation.
Hence she must be engaged in frequent controversies, the causes of which are essentially foreign to our concerns, Hence, therefore, it must be unwise in us to implicate ourselves, by artificial ties, in the ordinary, vicissitudes of her politics, or the ordinary combinations and collisions of her friendships or enmitles.
Our detached and distant situation invites and enables to pursue a different course, If we remain one people under an efficient government, the period is not far oft when we may defy, material injury from external annoyance; when we may take such an attitude as will
the neutrality we
to be scrupulously respected; when belligerent nations, under the impossibility of making acquisitions upon us, will not lightly hazard the giving us provocation; when we may choose peace or war, as our interest, guided by justice, shall counsel.
PARTING COUNSELS. In offering to you, my countrymen, these counsels of an old and affectionate friend, I dare not hope that they will make the strong and lasting impression I could wish; that they will control the usual current of the passions, or prevent our nation from running the course which hitherto has marked the destiny of nations; but if I may even flatter my. self that they may be productive of some partial benefit, some occasional good; that they may now and then recur to moderate the fury of party spirit. to warn against the mischiefs of foreign intrigues, to guard against the impostures of pretended patriotism; this hope will be full recompense for the solicitude for your welfare by which they have been dictated. United States, September 17, 1796.
THE MONROE DOCTRINE. "THE Monroe doctrine'' was enunciated in the following words in President Monroe's message to Congress December 2, 1823 :
** In the discussions to which this interest has given rise, and in the arrangements by which they may terminate, the occasion has been deemed proper for asserting, as a principle in which rights and interests of the United States are involved, that the American continents, by the free and independent condition which they have assumed and maintain, are henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization by any European power.
We owe it, therefore, to candor and to the amicable relations existing between the Uuited States and those powers to declare that we should consider any attempt on their part to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere as dangerous to our peace and safety. With the existing colonies or dependencies of any European power we have not interfered and shall not interfere. But with the governments who have declared their independence and maintain it, and whose independence we bave, on great consideration and on just principles, acknowledged, we could not view any interposition for the purpose of oppressing them or controlling in any other manner their destiny by any European power in any other light than as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition toward the United States."
Secretary of State Olney in his despatch of July 20, 1895, on the Venezuelan Boundary Dispute, sald:
* It (the Monroe doctrine) does not establish any general protectorate by the United States over other American States. It does not relieve any American State from its obligations as fixed by international law, nor prevent any European power directly interested from enforcing such obligations or from Indicting merited punishment for the breach of them."
President Roosevelt in a speech in 1902 upon the results of the Spanish-American war, said:
"The Monroe doctrine is simply a statement of our very firm belief that the nations now existing on this continent must be left to work out their own destinies among themselves, and that this
continient is no longer to be regarded as the colonizing ground of any European power. The one power on the continent that can make the power effective is, of course, ourselves; for in the world as it is, a nation which advances a given doctrine, likely to interfere in any way with other nations, must possess the power to back it up, if it wishes the doctrine to be respected.”
The United States Senate on August 2, 1912, adopted the following resolution proposed by Senator Lodge, by a vote of 51 to 4, the negative votes being those of Senators Cummins of Iowa, McCumber of North Dakota, Percy of Mississippi, and Stone of Missouri,
* Resolved. That when any harbor or other place in the American Continent is so situated that the occupation thereof for
naval or military purposes might threaten the communications or the safety of the United States, the Government of the United States could not see without grave concern the possession of such harbor or other place by any corporation or association which has such a relation to another Government, not American, as to give that Government practical power of control for national purposes."
This action of the Senate grew out of the report that a stretch of territory bordering on Magdalena Bay, Mexico, might be acquired by the subjects of a foreign country, and thus through their
control by their own national Government become the base of permanent naval or military occupation. In explanation of the resolution Senator Lodge said: "The declaration rests on a much broader
and older ground than the Monroe doctrine. This resolution rests on the generally accepted principle that every nation has a right to protect its own safety: and if it feels that the possession of any given harbor or place is prejudical to its safety, it is its duly and right to intervene." The Senate added that the opening of the Panama Caual gave to Magdalena Bay an importance that it had never before possessed, as the Panama routes pass in front of it.
Not being a joint resolution requiring the concurrence of the House of Representatives and the signature of the President, the resolution adopted as above was an expression of opinion of the Senate only. The other house took no action.