CHAPTER I. LATE FOREIGN EVENTS-OUR CONFEDERACY-THE PRESENT CRISISTWO MORAL POINTS INVOLVED-MORAL POINTS, HOW VIEWED. THE years '46, '7 and '8 have already become memorable in history. Into this period, in rapid succession, have been crowded events of momentous importance to the human race. In our own country, beloved and cherished above all others for her free institutions and her liberty, Congress has passed many organic and important laws for the common welfare. Since the opening of '46, it has ratified no less than twelve treaties with foreign powers. By one, it has settled that long vexed and harassing question of our western boundary beyond the Rocky Mountains; by another, it has established peace and perpetual friendship with a leading nation of the world, and opened to our commerce five most valuable ports of its empire; by others, it has given us reciprocity and equality with nations to which our commerce is rapidly extending, and last, and not least, by another still, it has added a vast territory to our limits, equivalent to 14 of the Empire State, and which more than any or all of these compacts, is to effect the future destiny of our republic. For a distance of nearly 700 miles north and south, and nearly 1000 east and west, from the Rio Grande and the Anahuac mountains on the east, the Gulf of California on the south, and Oregon on the north, it extends our empire to the shores of the Pacific, making 650,000 square miles, and 452 millions of acres. Within this is found the maritime valley of California, more than 500 miles long and 150 broad-the Italy of America in climate and skythe region of the vine and olive, and rich beyond many other parts of the earth for all the grains of our Atlantic coast. diamond, on its bosom rests the bay of Francisco, adequate to the navies of the world. But a short pathway will lead its ships to the Eastern Empire. Here the tide of civilization is to extend, and this valley, the broader interior and the banks of the Rio Grande, are by this compact to be peopled with myriads of freemen, or with millions of slaves. In the lines of this issue have fallen many gallant and noble spirits. It has cost treasure and blood,-seventy-five millions and twenty thousand men. These are some of the events which have passed before us fraught with the deepest interests of humanity, and of a magnitude to form an era in our history. *The Executive makes and the Senate ratifies treaties. As a In the old world, events still more striking, and of profounder issues, have crowded these calenders. The last strongholds of feudalism, as if by the decay of time, have given way; throne after throne has crumbled and fallen; dynasties have been destroyed; orders of nobility have been abolished, and kings and princes have fled in exile for safety, before the sweeping power of revolution. From the Mediterranean to the Baltic Sea, and from the English Channel to the Empire of Russia, it has upturned the foundations of society. It has passed over one empire, nine kingdoms, and nearly forty states. On a wide extent of these ruins has arisen the fair form of free republics, and on much of it, if not all, a living, law-abiding liberty. If you pass even hastily over these events, the mind is at all points carried back to remote cause. It sees the contagion of one revolution the occasion, not the cause, of another. The cause has long existed, deep in accumulated wrongs and injuries. The occasion but stirs up these wrongs from their lowest depth, and that sense of injustice, for which God and not man has given the soul a capacity, becomes a moving and resistless force. At every step, we trace the true causes to the mazes of that cabinet policy for which the modern European states system has been distinguished. By this, kings and princes have given to their subjects the form without the life of constitutional liberty, while by a slow and silent process they have drawn around them a cordon of power, through which no force or combination of force, within its limits, could apparently break. But the finger of Providence has here and there moved silently and indirectly in matters trivial to human eyes, yet pointing and directing the while those higher and startling events, which unseen have come suddenly and in their terrible might, to break this power, and to give, for all time to come, the oppressor and oppressed a common level. More than this: in each and all, we have witnessed in the political world the unerring operation of Newton's law of forces in the natural. Every reaction for the rest and peace of liberty has moved forward with a force and rapidity precisely in the ratio of the power which had depressed and enslaved the millions within its sphere. It is the law of all revolutions wherein justice and equal rights are the end. He who created all men equal and of one blood has so ordained it. These later movements in the cause of freedom in Europe extend back to the English parliament of '46 and 7. For a half a century questions of so much moment had not engaged it. The English Poor Law reaches back to the middle of the 14th century. It is venerable for its antiquity, if not detestable for its ponderous machinery, and as an engine of the most flagrant abuse. It has long been swelling the list of English paupers. It is annually swallowing up not less than five millions sterling. It had become one of the most perplexing questions in parliamentary legislation. But with famine, decimating suffering and distracted Ireland, with scarcity threatening a like calamity to Scotland, Germany, and France, the extension and revision of this poor law was forced upon parliament at the opening of '46. The corn law had before been the great question of the day. But the starving condition of the nations now made the complete abolition of the corn duty more than ever necessary. This also became one of the great questions which engrossed it. Following this, came a system of national education, forced upon it, by the wants and demands of the people. These were important and grave subjects. They involved some of the highest principles in the bill of rights, of a free people. On these, some of England's greatest minds took bold and high ground for reform. Among these were Peel, Cobden, Bright, and Russel. For a half century parliament had not held so bright a galaxy of civil reformers. They came into the conflict with the firmest reliance on the justice of their cause. Their victory was decisive and important. The corn laws were abolished. In the eye of the world it was the result of a momentary pressure. Its estimate therefore, for good or evil, was less important. But it was not the less a decided advance in the cause of freedom. The contest on all these questions was severe and protracted, yet from the crucible of discussion came out the pure gold. Higher and purer principles were made the basis of legislation. The pulsations of a higher freedom which now beat but a little stronger in one state of the great system, vibrated to the remotest extremity of the body politic. The moral effect of the famine was to the same great end. This signal Providence by which two millions of the Irish people were swept in the most fearful manner, into a common and premature grave; this scarcity which in numerous countries pressed so hard on the destitute, gave occasion, both to America and other nations, for one of the brightest examples of benevolence ever recorded in history. It was more than doubly blest. It saved the dying; it quickened the heart of every nation, moved to the deed of mercy. Still more, it begat in the minds of every nation whose ear had heard even the lowest note of their cry, the same heaven-born impulse. It impressed prince and peasant, rich and poor, with the same God-like sentiment, that if upon the wide family of nations there may fall a common calamity, to it also, there must belong an universal brotherhood of right. In all the nations it had not equal force. To some it gave hope; to others faith. But it was this sentiment whatever the causewhether scarcity or famine, or new light breaking in upon the mind and heart of man; it was this, which especially pervaded the masses of the people. When the first blow was struck for State organizations have been formed in all of the free, and in some of the slave states; and over nearly all the Union, free soil associations and the most enthusiastic meetings have extended. Even a brief outline of these would swell the work to an undue size. For this reason, the frank and highly honorable letter of the Hon. John P. Hale, withdrawing his name as the candidate of the Liberty Party, and supporting Van Buren and Adams, has been omitted. The brief history of this question in the 29th Congress, also, is covered but in part by the speech of the Hon. David Wilmot, at Herkimer.-New York, though not the first, was in the van of this great movement. Her able Senator, John A. Dix, in a most powerful free soil speech in the Senate, in March, 1847, on the “Three Million Bill," nearly two years ago, closed with these emphatic words :— "But I say for her, (New-York,) and in her name, and I believe I do not misunderstand her resolutions, that she can never consent to become a party to the extension of slavery to free territory on this continent." Many of the documents contained in these pages are among the ablest political papers which have come before the country since the formation of this government. They disclose the honesty, firmness and intelligence of those who have enlisted under the Free Soil banner, and that with the names of VAN BUREN and ADAMS inscribed on its ample folds, they are determined never to yield the contest till the victory is won. NEW-YORK, Oct. 2, 1848. Errata, p. 96. For CHARLES F. ADAMS. read HENRY Dodge. CONTENTS. CHAPTER I. The years 1846-7 and '8 memorable-events in this country-treaties of government since '46-their result. Revolutions in Europe-their extent and causesreform in the British Parliament-the three leading questions:-corn laws, poor law, and a system of national education-decisive result in reference to corn laws-remote effect on the cause of freedom-moral effect of the Irish famine 7-10 Italy-events which subjected her to Austria-her position-area-population and associations-condition prior to the ascension of Pope Pius IX.-Pius IX.-his previous life-his reforms-the jealousy and encroachments of Austria-their effect on national spirit in Italy-outbreaks-the Pope yields the civil power-its effect on Church and State-the army-offensive and defensive league-her present relation to Austria-intervention of higher powers 10-13 France-its extent-climate and associations-her constitutions since Louis XVI.— Guizot and Louis Philip-charter of 1830-the policy of Guizot-harmony with Louis Philip-attached to the doctrinaire party-attempt to prove the King's right of suceession-his practice and theory-his influence in carrying the three laws of 1835-the nature of these laws-condition of things at the opening of the last Parliament-the prohibition of political banquets-the result-the nature and prospects of the new republic 13-16 Revolution in Denmark-in Walachia-in Germany-its progress and result in Germany-the nature of the new German confederacy-Arch Duke John-the result of these revolutions-tendency in regard to civilization-new empires-boundaries of nations-new Sclavonian empire 16-17 Two propositions in regard to the duty of America in the general cause of freedomher parent stock-her example-her debt of civilization-our federative systemancient systems;-Grecian-Italian of middle ages-modern European-their nature and defects the nature and superiority of ours-opinion of the elder Adamsour responsibility and duty-the trial of our fidelity-decision at the ballot boxextension and restriction of slavery-view and design of our fathers in regard to slavery-our treatment-the nature of the question-two great moral points in the crisis-two classes of facts-their nature 17-21 CHAPTER II. The position of our fathers in regard to slavery and its extension-the character of the early emigrants-compact of the Plymouth colony in 1620-spirit of the compactby whom inherited-the patriots of that day-the conduct of British Parliament through a century and a half-its acts-the first Congress of America in 1774who composed this body-their compact of non-importation and non-consumptionits bearing on slavery-the declaration of independence-by whom drawn-charge against the King of Great Britain-bearing of declaration on slavery-eight years' war-treaty of peace-the men of the Congress of 1774-debt of the countrycondition of its finances-Congress recommend a cession of territory-object-compliance by Virginia-conditions-who executes the deed-government required— Jefferson drafts an ordinance-prohibition of slavery after 1800-the yeas and nays on this clause--who supported it. The Congress of 1787-committee which framed the ordinance of 1787-unanimous passage-its provisions-the yeas and naysstates absent-who of this Congress were acting in the Convention to frame a Constition-all sanctioned the ordinance-Convention to frame the Constitution-character of this body-who were in it-the method of procedure-committee of detail-the draft-how discussed-4th section 7th article protected slavery-motions to amend |