RELATIONS WITH FRANCE.

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president's tone and views was carried by fifty-one or fifty-two voices against forty-eight.

This showed the balance of parties; proved that Adams still kept the ascendency, by a small majority, that Washington had done; and that the dread of French influence prevailed over the suspicion endeavoured to be raised of monarchism and an arbitrary executive. France, however, was a formidable enemy. Tidings of her victories poured in, whilst those from England told of bank payments suspended, a mutiny in the fleet, and the abandonment of her best continental ally.

Three envoys, Messrs. Pinkney, Marshall, and Gerry, were appointed to proceed to France, and attempt once more to avert a war, if it could be done consistently with the national interest and honour. All important business was at a stand in America during the latter end of 1797, and beginning of 1798, owing to uncertainty as to the result of this mission.

On its arrival the envoys were informed by M. Talleyrand, the minister for foreign affairs, that they could not be received by the directory. They had permission to remain in Paris, however, and the agents of Talleyrand were employed to negotiate with them. The true difficulty in the way of accommodation, in addition to the impertinent arrogance of the directory, seemed to be that the leaders of that immaculate body received a great part of the gains accruing from American prizes made by the French. A treaty would have cut off this resource. In order to make up for the anticipated deficiency Talleyrand demanded a douceur of 250,000 dollars for himself and the other leaders of the directory, besides a loan to be afterwards made from America to France.

To exact these conditions, every argument that meanness could suggest was employed by Talleyrand: he demanded to be fee'd as a lawyer, or bribed as a friend. But the American envoys were inexorable; and two of their number returned, to announce to their countrymen the terms on which peace was offered. The cupidity of the French government completely turned against it the tide of popular feeling in America. Millions for defence, not a cent for tribute,' was instantly the general cry; and the president felt his hands strengthened by the demands of the French. Certainly never minister showed himself less sagacious than did M. Talleyrand in this affair, or more ignorant of the spirit and manners of a nation amongst whom he had resided.

6

286

PREPARATIONS FOR WAR WITH FRANCE.

Congress voted an army of twelve new regiments, with engineers and artillery corps. Washington was appointed its commander-in-chief, an office which he accepted with unfeigned reluctance, although he approved of the course of the government. A naval armament, too, was decided upon, and a new department-that of the navy-erected into a ministerial office, giving a seat in the cabinet. A land tax passed congress. An alien law was passed for getting rid of Volney, Collot, and other French emissaries; and a sedition bill followed it, which was loudly complained of by the republicans. Communication with France was prohibited; orders issued for capturing any of her vessels that might appear off the coasts; and all treaties with that country were declared to be void. These successive steps were not taken without the opposition of a strong minority in congress, of whom the vicepresident, Mr. Jefferson, may be considered the leader.

A great part, however, of this animosity against France, proceeded from an apprehension that she meant to invade America, and to interfere under the pretext of giving her some larger share of liberty, such as she had forcibly imposed upon Switzerland. When, however, it was seen that France had no such ideas of offensive war, and when Talleyrand explained away his former arrogance by more recent declarations to Mr. Gerry, the envoy who had latest left France, and still later by overtures made through Pichon, the French chargé d'affaires at the Hague, to Mr. Murray, there wassomewhat of a re-action.

Several

This became evident in 1799, when the weight of the additional taxes and restrictions had begun to be felt. states petitioned for the repeal of the alien and sedition laws; whilst in others there was a general resistance to the officers employed in taking the valuation preparatory to the land tax. This last spirit showed itself chiefly in the western part of Pennsylvania. The president had, however, anticipated this re-action in favour of peace, by appointing Mr. Murray plenipotentiary to the French republic, with a proviso, however, that he was not to enter their territories before he was assured of an honourable reception.

The directory had fallen ere that took place; and Bonaparte who as first consul succeeded to their power, had no mercenary interest in prolonging the state of hostility. This was accordingly discontinued, and a final treaty of peace was signed betwixt France and America in the course of the year 1800.

DEATH OF WASHINGTON.

287

The war, while it lasted, had given rise to some encounters at sea which afforded a promise of the future glories of the American navy. One of these was a very severe action between the American frigate Constellation of 38 guns, commanded by Commodore Truxton, and the French frigate l'Insurgente of 40 guns, which terminated in the capture of the latter. Truxton, in a subsequent engagement, compelled another French frigate mounting no less than 50 guns to strike her colours; but she afterwards made her escape in the night.

Before this war had terminated, Washington was removed from the scene of his earthly glories. He died after an illness of only a few hours, occasioned by cold and consequent inflammation of the throat, at Mount Vernon, on the 14th of December, 1799. Neither congress nor the nation were wanting in that universal tribute of mourning and veneration due to the illustrious founder of their common freedom. Perhaps the most sensible mark of this veneration was the removal of the seat of government to the federal city, of which the site was selected by Washington, and which was dignified with his name. In November, 1800, congress opened its sittings at Washington for the first time.

A new trial of strength was now about to take place between the federal and republican parties, as the four years' term of Mr. Adams's government was about to expire. That statesman, it has been seen, was elected by the predominance of federal principles, in the north-eastern states, as well as by an opinion that his own political feelings were moderate. No sooner, however, was he possessed of the sovereign functions, than he entered with zeal into anti-Gallican measures, and both congress and the country were borne full sail along with him. Adams was thus carried on in a kind of triumph, and at a speed that left him little master of his course, or of prudent management. Although jealous of Hamilton, and anxious not to tread in his footsteps, the president had flung himself among the Hamiltonian party: and they, as well as his own heat, led him into a series of acts, which displayed all the unpopular tendencies of the federalists.

Fleets and armies, judicial offices, taxes and places were increased; and such strong acts passed, for the restraint of sedition and foreign agents, as were evidently dangerous to civil liberty. This became more clear, as the martial ardour and indignation of the country cooled; and the strong reaction, which we have noticed, took place against Adams and

288

ELECTION OF JEFFERSON.

the federalists. In vain did the former try to shake off this party, and show himself distinct from them, in the appointment of fresh envoys to France, and in the terms of the treaty concluded. It was too late; the tide of popular feeling ebbed from the federalists towards the republicans, and Adams was of course included against the former.

On the important question of the presidential election, it was the populous state of New York that held the balance. Hitherto its elections had been federal, but now, from the causes already enumerated, this state began to incline towards the democratic party. There was a personage at this time in New York, most active in canvassing for republican votes, and turning the tide against the federalists. This was Colonel Burr, a man of some talents, much intrigue, and very little principle. Yet so strongly was felt the importance of his agency and his exertions, that although unknown as an actor in the war of independence, and little known since, he was generally put in nomination throughout all the states, in common with Jefferson, on the republican interest.

When the votes were counted, Adams, supported by the federalists, was found completely in the minority. Jefferson and Burr were the names foremost upon the list; and by a singular fatality, they had an equal number of votes. As the constitution had provided that the candidate having the greatest number of votes should be president, and the one having the second number should be vice-president, it now became a question who was entitled to the highest office. The circumstance of equality in the number of votes of two candidates, of election to the house of reprethe power gave sentatives; and hither, accordingly, all the efforts of party and intrigue were directed. Some of the federalists proposed appointing a temporary executive, and proceeding to a new election by the people. But the republicans, knowing that it had been the intention of the people to elect Jefferson president, would listen to no terms of compromise. Thirty-five ballotings took place in the house, before a decision was obtained; and then Jefferson prevailed over his opponent, and was declared president, Burr becoming vice-president. The question was decided in February, 1801.

The unqualified disapprobation, and extensive desertion of the people from the administration to the opposition party, occasioned by some of the anti-republican measures of Mr. Adams's administration, evince a determination which has ever

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289

been inflexible in the Americans, to adhere to the essential principles of liberty, even though it should require the sacrifice of men distinguished by the highest talents, political experience, and public services, 'Principles, not men,' is their motto.

CHAPTER XXXV.

JEFFERSON'S ADMINISTRATION.

As the ever large body of the politically timid, who invariably desert the unsuccessful, now passed over to the side of Jefferson, their accession, together with the popular support of his own party, gave him a stronger power than had been wielded since the first year of Washington. He now proceeded to redeem his promises of retrenchment and reform. He reduced the army, the navy, the supreme judicial court, and the taxes, more especially the odious excise.

What he called the levees of the president, were done away with; and as the appearance of the first magistrate in person, to address congress, savoured too much, in his opinion, of the regal custom of Great Britain, this was to be discontinued, and future communications from the executive to the legislature were to be made in writing. He removed from office some of the most violent of his opponents, professing to make a distinction, however, between the monarchical and the republican federalists.

The judges were irremoveable by law, and into the judiciary the federals retired as into a stronghold.' It was in the treasury department that Jefferson, chiefly, and with most alacrity, plied the pruning knife of reform. The abolition of internal taxes enabled him to do away with a great number of offices; and by taking measures for gradually paying the debt, he led the way towards undermining that great patronage and influence of this department, which the democrats of that period pronounced the most criminal and anti-republican work of the federalists. It is undoubtedly true that the influence of the treasury is dangerous to the purity and integrity of republican institutions; and this is equally true, whether the nation be deeply in debt, or free from debt, with an over