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complained of, formed a just ground of cavil against the treaty. However, these objections were counterbalanced by so many advantages, that the president, after some further delay, ratified the treaty, and a majority of the senate concurred in his decision.

Never had there been a more violent expression of opinion in America, than that which now assailed Washington and his treaty; for his it was considered. Nothing was to be heard but discussions concerning it; and public meetings were called in almost every town, at which addresses and resolutions were drawn up against it.

The republican party exclaimed against it as the basest ingratitude against France, and of treason towards a republic, whose watchword and safeguard ought to be hatred to monarchy and to England. The grave dignity of Washington contemning his opposers, rebuked with effect such violent addresses as were offered to him; and his firmness caused public opinion to rally, if not to turn in his favour. Hamilton left his retirement to defend the measure; and although the people refused to listen to him in public, he advocated it with the pen in writings that staggered opposition, and actually stemmed the popular torrent. These exertions of the federalists enabled the president to stand his ground and support the treaty, which was ultimately of great benefit to the commerce as well as the productive industry of the country.

Ere the president again met congress, his envoys had almost concluded treaties with Spain, with Algiers, and with the Indians beyond the Ohio. Spain yielded the right to navigate the Mississippi, with a depot at New Orleans. So that these united with the British treaty, formed a complete pacific system, which Washington aimed at establishing, ere he retired from the executive, as the last bequest to his country.

Party spirit was, however, still active and strong. The arrival of a new French envoy gave rise, by the extravagant addresses which he made, to a fresh access of enthusiasm in favour of that country. The president kept unswervingly to his neutral policy, although he was now unsupported by any eminent man as minister. He proclaimed the treaty with Great Britain. Although this right was secured to him, conjointly with the senate, by the constitution, the house of representatives still complained that they had not been consulted; and they passed a vote demanding of the president the communication of the papers and correspondence relative to the

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treaty. This he firmly refused, on constitutional grounds, and as a pernicious precedent, stating his reasons at considerable length. But the lower house did not want pretexts for discussing the treaty, and advocating their right to interfere with it. Strong debates ensued. But the great body of the people had too much respect for the founder of their liberties to support a factious and personal opposition to him.

France remained the only country dissatisfied with the conduct of the United States. She thought herself entitled to more than common amity; in fact, to the gratitude and cordial support of a sister republic. The treaty, therefore, between America and Great Britain had excited the resentment of the directory; and, indeed, those articles of it, which allowed the latter country the right of taking French goods from neutral ships, were calculated to excite complaint.

The directory, however, was not content with addressing the language of legitimate remonstrance to the cabinet of Washington. They directed their envoy to address congress; to appeal from the president to the people as Genet had done; and so attempt to force the government into a closer alliance with France.

Washington, however, was not able to bring this negotiation, as he had done others, to a term. The period of his second tenure of the presidential office was about to expire, and no consideration could tempt him to permit his re-election. Besides his age and fatigues, there were many reasons for this decision, the principal of which was that one person had ruled a sufficient time for a free republic.

His intention of retiring from the presidency, Washington announced to the people of the United States in a valedictory address, which, for eloquence and force, and for sound principles of government, must be considered one of the classic records of political wisdom. Despite their late opposition, the legislature were unanimous in the tribute of gratitude and veneration, which answered the president's announcement that he addressed them for the last time. The people read the Farewell Address with feelings of profound respect and attachment; and several of the state legislatures inserted it at large in their journals, and passed resolutions expressing their exalted sense of the services and character of its author, and their emotions at his retirement from office.

The candidates for the highest office in the nation about to become vacant, were Thomas Jefferson and John Adams.

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The former was supported by the republican party, and the latter by the federalists. After a very active canvass, the federal party prevailed, Adams receiving the highest number of votes was elected president, and Jefferson having the second number was declared vice-president.

On the 4th of March, 1797, Washington, having witnessed the ceremony of his successor's inauguration, and tendered him those respectful compliments which he believed to be equally due to the man and to the office, hastened to that real felicity which awaited him at Mount Vernon, the enjoyment of which he had long impatiently anticipated.

'Amidst all the victories and high achievements of young America,' says an impartial writer, whom we have had frequent occasion to quote, 'there is none of which she has so much reason to be proud as the having given birth to Washington. So perfect, so pure, so simple, yet so lofty a character, the modern world had not yet produced. Indeed, a European monarchy could not have produced a Washington. Our social organisation, framed on feudal principles, is too much impregnated with vanity, personal ambition, and the love of precedence, not to have corrupted the colonial officer long ere he became the hero of independence. Not but that monarchies have their worthies, Sidneys and Bayards, a numerous host; but a Washington they could not have, because the first rank of military talent must, among these, infallibly inspire some passion of baser alloy. Let Cromwell, and Napoleon, and Marlborough, and Charles XII. be passed with their compeers in view, and it will be seen how even patriotism dwindled as a motive, till utterly lost amidst baser sentiments.

'Washington stands alone. As a commander, his character has risen, since men have come to examine it. With an army so doubting in spirit, and uncertain in numbers, as to have filled any captain with despair, he still achieved what, indeed, probability rendered hopeless. Cool and imperturbable to bide his time, and, Fabius-like, observe the enemy, he never wanted the impetuosity of Marcellus, when opportunity ren-dered such advantageous.

'As a statesman, his administration forms a monument as glorious as his campaigns. He found a constitution born so feeble, that its very parents were hopeless of its existence; yet he contrived in raising it to give it force, and communicate to it the principle of maturity. Amidst the storm of adverse parties that gradually arose around him, Washington pre

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served an impartial sense of what his country demanded; and though latterly he leaned on the side of federalism, and strong institutions, yet it was never so much as to upset the balance; and perhaps the greatest proof of his sagacity, and of the difficulty of this task, is, that his succcessor, John Adams, failed in the same attempt, and by allowing himself to be borne away by one party, gave to the other the opportunity of successful re-action.

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""His mind was great and powerful," says Jefferson, "without being of the first order; his penetration strong, though not so acute as that of Newton, Bacon, or Locke; and, as far as he saw, no judgment was ever sounder. It was slow in operation, being little aided by invention or imagination, but sure in conclusion." He was incapable of fear, being full of calm courage in the field; and though naturally of an "irritable and high-toned temper," he had nevertheless so subdued this by reflection and resolution, that it never interfered with the coolness of his judgment, or with that prudence, which, Jefferson said, was the strongest feature in his character. When greatly moved, his wrath was, however, tremendous. "His heart was not warm in its affections, but he exactly calculated every man's value, and gave him a solid esteem proportioned to it. His person was fine; his stature exactly what one would wish; his deportment easy, erect, and noble. His was the most graceful figure that could be seen on horseback. Although in the circle of his friends, where he might be unreserved with safety, he took a free share in conversation, his colloquial talents were not above mediocrity, possessing neither copiousness of ideas, nor fluency of words. In public, when called on for a sudden opinion, he was unready, short, and embarrassed; yet he wrote readily, rather diffusely, in an easy, correct style. This he had acquired by conversation with the world; for his education had been merely reading, writing, and arithmetic. His time was employed in action chiefly, reading little, and that only in agriculture and English history. His correspondence became necessarily extensive, and, with journalising his agricultural proceedings, it occupied most of his leisure hours within doors. On the whole, his character was in its mass perfect, in nothing bad, in few points indifferent; and it may truly be said, that never did nature and fortune combine more perfectly to make a man great, and to place him in the same constellation with whatever worthies have merited from man an everlasting remembrance.'

CHAPTER XXXIV.

ADMINISTRATION OF JOHN ADAMS.

THE new president had been elected by the votes of the federal party. Like the other leading federalists he had been charged with a leaning towards monarchy; and his writings gave some colour to the supposition. But the same charge is always made against those who are in favour of what is called a strong government. His character for talent stood high. All who wished to uphold the policy of Washington had voted in his favour. He was not supposed to be so biassed against France as many others of his party; and Jefferson himself had pronounced him to be the only sure barrier against Hamilton's getting in.' The northern states were all for him, and as the southern men were by no means united in the support of Jefferson, Adams had prevailed without difficulty.

The conduct of France was the first important subject of attention to the new government. The executive directory of that country, elated by their new and wondrous career of conquest, were disposed to assume towards foreign powers a tone of imperial arrogance. Mr. Pinkney, the American envoy, considered of the federal, rather than of the republican party, was informed that he could not be received till existing grievances had been redressed;' and was, moreover, almost bidden to quit the country. In addition to these insults to Pinkney, Mr. Monroe, the former envoy, was addressed at his audience of leave, in terms so vituperative as to amount almost to a declaration of war. The tone assumed was that of an appeal from the government to the people of the United States; and the minister of France in America had adopted the same tone and conduct in endeavouring to influence the late elections.

Whatever were the previous opinions of the new president, he now displayed himself as sensitive to these insults on the part of France as any of the federalists. His speech to congress was couched in warmer and more spirited terms than even Washington would have used. The drawing up an answer to this, occasioned a full fortnight's debate in the house of representatives; but at length, a reply correspondent to the